How Yogyakarta managed to avoid storm of riots

By Tedy Novan and Sutan Malekewi

YOGYAKARTA (JP): Last month's storm of massive riots that hit Jakarta and several other provincial cities steered clear of Yogyakarta.

How did this ancient city manage to escape the violence? It certainly was a center of student demonstrations leading to Soeharto's fall and was a city on edge after the riots in Jakarta. Maybe Jakartans and residents of other areas hit by the turmoil should reflect on this question.

If we point to student demonstrations as the spark igniting the violence, then why did Yogyakarta escape the turmoil? Clashes with security forces did occur in Yogyakarta. A group of radical students here calling themselves the Committee of the Struggle for Change viewed violence as the only means to achieve reform. Clashes with security forces would erupt almost every time this group organized a demonstration.

Dozens of students and a number of security personnel were injured in such clashes -- one of them fatally. Fortunately, this was as bad as it got in Yogyakarta.

A May 15 demonstration that lasted nearly 24 hours on Jl. Gejayan did not result in significant property damage, though rocks and tear gas were exchanged by security forces and protesters. The mob only targeted public facilities to vent their animosity toward the government. Not a single store along Jl. Gejayan was damaged.

Yogyakarta's economic activities came to a sudden halt once the May 15 protest began. Store owners along Jl. Urip Sumohardjo and Jl. Malioboro, most of whom are Chinese-Indonesians, chose to close their establishments. Every store and building had spray painted proreform messages or banners. The owners were afraid that the disturbances that occurred in Surakarta would spread to Yogyakarta. "Who can guarantee that the disturbances will not spread to Yogya?" sighed a store owner.

The demonstration that afternoon nearly ignited a riot. More than 5,000 people took to the streets in the Jl. Gejayan area.

Emotions became heated when well-armed security forces started to surround the protesters. Their very presence provoked some of the protesters to start to throw rocks and anything else they could get their hands on.

Tires were burned in the middle of the street to slow down the police advances. The mob also started to lob rocks at Bank Tamara's glass facade. Fortunately, some level-headed individuals in the crowd calmed down those who wanted to set the building on fire.

As the mob approached a Timor dealership, resentment returned. A new volley of rocks burst from the crowd, destroying the showroom's glass walls, though the showroom's contents had already been evacuated by the owner. The Timor billboard was ripped down from the top of the building. The combination of this hated symbol of Soeharto's family along with the presence of security forces stoked the mob's rage to dangerous levels.

Luckily, Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, still a charismatic leader in Yogyakarta, appeared at this critical moment.

The mob's attention suddenly turned to the Sultan who stood on top of a car, right in the middle of his people. "I respect your struggle for reform. But you should not choose violent means. If you keep order, I'll always be here to support your aspirations," the Sultan said, applauded by the mass.

The Sultan's plea came too late for some. Several days earlier, a clash between students and security forces claimed the life of Moses Gatutkaca, while several others were injured. But more violence was avoided by the Sultan's move to mobilize every element of society to support the reform movement and to avoid violence.

Later that day, posters and billboards calling for the people to avoid violence appeared throughout the city reading: "Yogya is not a violent city" and "Peaceful reform". Many of the signs were put up by a group of students actively campaigning against violence.

"The people will unite when the struggle is based on a clean heart and nonviolence," said Widihasto, a student who actively campaigned for peaceful reform.

The Sultan's plea did much to sway the people against violence.

The business community also followed suit. The Yogyakarta Chamber of Commerce and Industry organized donations from the business community, mostly from Chinese-Indonesians. The donor's names were printed in local newspapers, which at least implied their support for reform. More than Rp 100 million rupiah was collected through the effort. Community leaders approached security forces to convince them not to use repressive measures against demonstrators.

The extraordinary result could be seen during the colossal demonstration on May 20 in front of the Sultan's palace. About one million people filled the area from the north side of Jl. Malioboro, which in the past was restricted for demonstrations, to the north side of the field in front of the palace. They all arrived on foot from about 40 campuses throughout Yogyakarta.

Only a few policemen were deployed. Shop owners provided drinks and snacks to the demonstrators along streets heading toward Jl. Malioboro and the Sultan's palace. Hot weather combined with orations condemning Soeharto's regime were seen as a potent combination for a riot. Yet, far from violent, the demonstration turned into a rare display of democracy.

"The people of Yogyakarta fully realized that social discrepancies have not been caused by the ethnic Chinese, but by the Soeharto regime," said Widihasto.

Nasikoen, a sociologist from Gadjah Mada University, said that the academic environment in Yogyakarta helped nurture a healthy social environment.

Furthermore, unlike Surakarta, Jakarta and Medan, social discrepancies in Yogyakarta are less apparent. "As a result, the social environment in Yogyakarta is more healthy between indigenous and nonindigenous Indonesians," he said.

It is hard not to argue that Sultan Hamengkubuwono X's presence and influence more or less maintains this social dynamic. According to Nasikoen, the Sultan has always maintained a close relationship with every social stratum in Yogyakarta, even though politically he is part of the late regime. During every election in the past, tension arose between the Sultan, who was the chairman of the Yogyakarta chapter of the ruling Golkar political grouping, with elements of the public who support the United Development Party and Indonesian Democratic Party. When the election ended, the Sultan returned to his role as a pillar of society.

"The Sultan has cultural authority over his people," said Nasikoen. So, he added, there was little surprise when the people of Yogyakarta listened to the Sultan's plea for nonviolence.