How Yogyakarta managed to avoid storm of riots

How Yogyakarta managed to avoid storm of riots

By Tedy Novan and Sutan Malekewi

YOGYAKARTA (JP): Last month's storm of massive riots that hit
Jakarta and several other provincial cities steered clear of
Yogyakarta.

How did this ancient city manage to escape the violence? It
certainly was a center of student demonstrations leading to
Soeharto's fall and was a city on edge after the riots in
Jakarta. Maybe Jakartans and residents of other areas hit by the
turmoil should reflect on this question.

If we point to student demonstrations as the spark igniting
the violence, then why did Yogyakarta escape the turmoil? Clashes
with security forces did occur in Yogyakarta. A group of radical
students here calling themselves the Committee of the Struggle
for Change viewed violence as the only means to achieve reform.
Clashes with security forces would erupt almost every time this
group organized a demonstration.

Dozens of students and a number of security personnel were
injured in such clashes -- one of them fatally. Fortunately, this
was as bad as it got in Yogyakarta.

A May 15 demonstration that lasted nearly 24 hours on Jl.
Gejayan did not result in significant property damage, though
rocks and tear gas were exchanged by security forces and
protesters. The mob only targeted public facilities to vent their
animosity toward the government. Not a single store along Jl.
Gejayan was damaged.

Yogyakarta's economic activities came to a sudden halt once
the May 15 protest began. Store owners along Jl. Urip Sumohardjo
and Jl. Malioboro, most of whom are Chinese-Indonesians, chose to
close their establishments. Every store and building had spray
painted proreform messages or banners. The owners were afraid
that the disturbances that occurred in Surakarta would spread to
Yogyakarta. "Who can guarantee that the disturbances will not
spread to Yogya?" sighed a store owner.

The demonstration that afternoon nearly ignited a riot. More
than 5,000 people took to the streets in the Jl. Gejayan area.

Emotions became heated when well-armed security forces started
to surround the protesters. Their very presence provoked some of
the protesters to start to throw rocks and anything else they
could get their hands on.

Tires were burned in the middle of the street to slow down the
police advances. The mob also started to lob rocks at Bank
Tamara's glass facade. Fortunately, some level-headed individuals
in the crowd calmed down those who wanted to set the building on
fire.

As the mob approached a Timor dealership, resentment returned.
A new volley of rocks burst from the crowd, destroying the
showroom's glass walls, though the showroom's contents had
already been evacuated by the owner. The Timor billboard was
ripped down from the top of the building. The combination of this
hated symbol of Soeharto's family along with the presence of
security forces stoked the mob's rage to dangerous levels.

Luckily, Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, still a charismatic leader
in Yogyakarta, appeared at this critical moment.

The mob's attention suddenly turned to the Sultan who stood on
top of a car, right in the middle of his people. "I respect your
struggle for reform. But you should not choose violent means. If
you keep order, I'll always be here to support your aspirations,"
the Sultan said, applauded by the mass.

The Sultan's plea came too late for some. Several days
earlier, a clash between students and security forces claimed the
life of Moses Gatutkaca, while several others were injured. But
more violence was avoided by the Sultan's move to mobilize every
element of society to support the reform movement and to avoid
violence.

Later that day, posters and billboards calling for the people
to avoid violence appeared throughout the city reading: "Yogya is
not a violent city" and "Peaceful reform". Many of the signs were
put up by a group of students actively campaigning against
violence.

"The people will unite when the struggle is based on a clean
heart and nonviolence," said Widihasto, a student who actively
campaigned for peaceful reform.

The Sultan's plea did much to sway the people against
violence.

The business community also followed suit. The Yogyakarta
Chamber of Commerce and Industry organized donations from the
business community, mostly from Chinese-Indonesians. The donor's
names were printed in local newspapers, which at least implied
their support for reform. More than Rp 100 million rupiah was
collected through the effort. Community leaders approached
security forces to convince them not to use repressive measures
against demonstrators.

The extraordinary result could be seen during the colossal
demonstration on May 20 in front of the Sultan's palace. About
one million people filled the area from the north side of Jl.
Malioboro, which in the past was restricted for demonstrations,
to the north side of the field in front of the palace. They all
arrived on foot from about 40 campuses throughout Yogyakarta.

Only a few policemen were deployed. Shop owners provided
drinks and snacks to the demonstrators along streets heading
toward Jl. Malioboro and the Sultan's palace. Hot weather
combined with orations condemning Soeharto's regime were seen as
a potent combination for a riot. Yet, far from violent, the
demonstration turned into a rare display of democracy.

"The people of Yogyakarta fully realized that social
discrepancies have not been caused by the ethnic Chinese, but by
the Soeharto regime," said Widihasto.

Nasikoen, a sociologist from Gadjah Mada University, said that
the academic environment in Yogyakarta helped nurture a healthy
social environment.

Furthermore, unlike Surakarta, Jakarta and Medan, social
discrepancies in Yogyakarta are less apparent. "As a result, the
social environment in Yogyakarta is more healthy between
indigenous and nonindigenous Indonesians," he said.

It is hard not to argue that Sultan Hamengkubuwono X's
presence and influence more or less maintains this social
dynamic. According to Nasikoen, the Sultan has always maintained
a close relationship with every social stratum in Yogyakarta,
even though politically he is part of the late regime. During
every election in the past, tension arose between the Sultan, who
was the chairman of the Yogyakarta chapter of the ruling Golkar
political grouping, with elements of the public who support the
United Development Party and Indonesian Democratic Party. When
the election ended, the Sultan returned to his role as a pillar
of society.

"The Sultan has cultural authority over his people," said
Nasikoen. So, he added, there was little surprise when the people
of Yogyakarta listened to the Sultan's plea for nonviolence.