Golkar redux

Golkar redux

Lovers of sport and competition who overcame wee morning
drowsiness on Sunday were treated to two engaging spectacles live
on television. The first was a pulsating Premiere League soccer
match between Manchester United and Crystal Palace, which
produced seven goals. The second was a more lethargic, yet no
less fascinating Golkar Party leadership race between incumbent
Akbar Tandjung and Indonesian Vice President Jusuf Kalla.

Both match-ups were captivating. Those involved engaged in an
open and fair battle with a cut and thrust that kept audiences on
the edge of their seats till the final whistle, or in the latter
case until the last ballot count.

The Golkar congress exemplified just how politics should be
played: As a sport -- vigorously fought with shrewd tactical
nuances, yet mannerly in its outcome.

We were encouraged and anxious at the same time observing the
process and conclusion to the Golkar leadership race which, like
the soccer match, was easily won by the preponderant rival who in
this case was Jusuf Kalla.

Once the epitome of political subversion and despotism, Golkar
is showing the vehicles of democracy -- the political parties --
how to be internally democratic. While Golkar remains very much a
elitist game, with votes acquired through a hard sell of money
and power, nevertheless, during this congress and the convention
earlier in the year it showed that the party's apex was
determined via a process that allowed anyone -- and just about
everyone tried to take advantage -- to partake. A process of open
and fair-minded competition that seems alien to most political
parties in this country.

We commend the party for the blunt manner by which it has
engaged and believe this is one reason why Golkar, despite its
shortcomings and historical faults, will continue to thrive in
years to come.

We are also pleased by the way contenders in both Golkar's
presidential convention in April and the recent congress in Bali
have conducted themselves. Despite the divisiveness of the
contest, losing parties displayed public graciousness, thus
leaving the scene with their dignity intact.

"Losing" is as much part of the democratic process as general
elections. Sadly, some of our leaders neglected to read this
footnote when they were skimming through democracy's manual. In
recent months we saw at least two examples of how bad losers our
once respected national leaders had become. Without naming names,
we had a losing incumbent who refused to concede electoral
defeat, and a once-respected cleric acting like a spoilt child in
the wake of being voted out of his organization.

The presidential convention and the recent congress in Bali
were part of the nation's political education. Without even being
design as such, it is possibly Golkar's single biggest
contribution to our nascent democracy.

We congratulate Jusuf Kalla and welcome his promise to make
Golkar a clean and honest political entity. His call for the
party ranks to enliven Golkar, rather than making a living off it
will likely reverberate through the political consciousness of
Indonesians. There should be confidence that Kalla will lead the
party with the same vigor as his crafty predecessor. Kalla's
success in business and his rise to becoming the country's
second-most important politician is testament to his political
acumen.

That being said, it is difficult to shake off a sense of
foreboding at the potential consequences of the new Golkar
leadership. His position in the executive and leader of the
biggest faction in the legislature places a strain on the system
of checks and balances, which only now has begun to take affect.

The devices by which the New Order subverted our democracy are
fresh in our memory. That is why one of the key reforms
introduced during reformasi was to empower the legislature.
Avoiding attempts to undermine the legislature -- through
external pressures or internal cooptation -- is pivotal to
democratic consolidation.

With the largest party now being led by a member of the
executive, there will be questions as to Golkar's zeal in
challenging controversial initiatives introduced by the
government. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, PDI-P,
will be left as the only true major "opposition" faction.

We also cannot help but wonder aloud as to Kalla's future
ambitions both in this government and the next. Traditionally the
vice president serves a ceremonious role as head of state. His
Golkar success gives Kalla the same political clout as his
president. When the people voted for Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as
president, they did not think his running-mate would become
someone as influential.

Despite the axe hanging over them of a career-ending
legislative recall, we hope the maturity of Golkar legislators
and their sense of duty to their constituents will encourage them
to act more autonomously than simply towing the party line on
issues of critical nature. These lessons impress further the need
for more changes in our electoral system, which allows
legislative candidates to be representatives of the people, not
the party.

In many ways, Kalla's victory complicates Golkar's challenges
for the coming five years. It will be under the spotlight like no
other party in the legislature. It is our sincerest hope that
despite its association with the executive, Golkar can still
conduct itself proportionately, placing the interest of the
people first. Only then will Golkar truly be recognized as an
asset to the nation rather than a mere asset to the powerful.