Golkar redux

Golkar redux

Lovers of sport and competition who overcame wee morning drowsiness on Sunday were treated to two engaging spectacles live on television. The first was a pulsating Premiere League soccer match between Manchester United and Crystal Palace, which produced seven goals. The second was a more lethargic, yet no less fascinating Golkar Party leadership race between incumbent Akbar Tandjung and Indonesian Vice President Jusuf Kalla.

Both match-ups were captivating. Those involved engaged in an open and fair battle with a cut and thrust that kept audiences on the edge of their seats till the final whistle, or in the latter case until the last ballot count.

The Golkar congress exemplified just how politics should be played: As a sport -- vigorously fought with shrewd tactical nuances, yet mannerly in its outcome.

We were encouraged and anxious at the same time observing the process and conclusion to the Golkar leadership race which, like the soccer match, was easily won by the preponderant rival who in this case was Jusuf Kalla.

Once the epitome of political subversion and despotism, Golkar is showing the vehicles of democracy -- the political parties -- how to be internally democratic. While Golkar remains very much a elitist game, with votes acquired through a hard sell of money and power, nevertheless, during this congress and the convention earlier in the year it showed that the party's apex was determined via a process that allowed anyone -- and just about everyone tried to take advantage -- to partake. A process of open and fair-minded competition that seems alien to most political parties in this country.

We commend the party for the blunt manner by which it has engaged and believe this is one reason why Golkar, despite its shortcomings and historical faults, will continue to thrive in years to come.

We are also pleased by the way contenders in both Golkar's presidential convention in April and the recent congress in Bali have conducted themselves. Despite the divisiveness of the contest, losing parties displayed public graciousness, thus leaving the scene with their dignity intact.

"Losing" is as much part of the democratic process as general elections. Sadly, some of our leaders neglected to read this footnote when they were skimming through democracy's manual. In recent months we saw at least two examples of how bad losers our once respected national leaders had become. Without naming names, we had a losing incumbent who refused to concede electoral defeat, and a once-respected cleric acting like a spoilt child in the wake of being voted out of his organization.

The presidential convention and the recent congress in Bali were part of the nation's political education. Without even being design as such, it is possibly Golkar's single biggest contribution to our nascent democracy.

We congratulate Jusuf Kalla and welcome his promise to make Golkar a clean and honest political entity. His call for the party ranks to enliven Golkar, rather than making a living off it will likely reverberate through the political consciousness of Indonesians. There should be confidence that Kalla will lead the party with the same vigor as his crafty predecessor. Kalla's success in business and his rise to becoming the country's second-most important politician is testament to his political acumen.

That being said, it is difficult to shake off a sense of foreboding at the potential consequences of the new Golkar leadership. His position in the executive and leader of the biggest faction in the legislature places a strain on the system of checks and balances, which only now has begun to take affect.

The devices by which the New Order subverted our democracy are fresh in our memory. That is why one of the key reforms introduced during reformasi was to empower the legislature. Avoiding attempts to undermine the legislature -- through external pressures or internal cooptation -- is pivotal to democratic consolidation.

With the largest party now being led by a member of the executive, there will be questions as to Golkar's zeal in challenging controversial initiatives introduced by the government. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, PDI-P, will be left as the only true major "opposition" faction.

We also cannot help but wonder aloud as to Kalla's future ambitions both in this government and the next. Traditionally the vice president serves a ceremonious role as head of state. His Golkar success gives Kalla the same political clout as his president. When the people voted for Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as president, they did not think his running-mate would become someone as influential.

Despite the axe hanging over them of a career-ending legislative recall, we hope the maturity of Golkar legislators and their sense of duty to their constituents will encourage them to act more autonomously than simply towing the party line on issues of critical nature. These lessons impress further the need for more changes in our electoral system, which allows legislative candidates to be representatives of the people, not the party.

In many ways, Kalla's victory complicates Golkar's challenges for the coming five years. It will be under the spotlight like no other party in the legislature. It is our sincerest hope that despite its association with the executive, Golkar can still conduct itself proportionately, placing the interest of the people first. Only then will Golkar truly be recognized as an asset to the nation rather than a mere asset to the powerful.