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Golkar beats the drum, others can only dance

| Source: JP

Golkar beats the drum, others can only dance

Kornelius Purba, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta,
korpur@yahoo.com

In a recent conversation with The Jakarta Post, a top
executive of the Golkar Party described one of its secrets in
cohabitating with other political parties despite their leaders'
hatred of Golkar. "They are nouveaux riches and inexperienced
politicians. You just pander to them accordingly."

In the opinion of the senior politician, most Golkar
executives, including its national and even regional legislators
are quite established, while the new politicians still worry
about their houses. Golkar seniors are more worried about
possible inquiries into their past activities or personal
possessions.

For Golkar, the most important task is how to stop political
attacks from its enemies and to regain its former image as a
party that brought stability and safety to society at large.

People may condemn or demand the dissolution of Golkar for its
past unforgivable deeds. Its chairman Akbar Tandjung and other
Golkar executives can be put at the top of the most-wanted list
(of politicians) for their alleged role in adding to the misery
of the nation. But the fact remains that it would be a daydream
to hope for Golkar's annulment.

The Indonesian Military (TNI) has severed its relations with
the party. Civil servants have also abandoned their loyalty to
Golkar, and many businesspeople, who enjoyed the fruits of
corruption, collusion and nepotism under Golkar's rule, have
shifted their allegiance to Golkar's rivals. But true to earlier
predictions, Golkar is still going strong.

It is difficult to deny that the party, which was controlled
by former president Soeharto for about 32 years, plays a more
determinant role in national politics. Even its fiercest
political foes have to admit that they have a lot to learn from
Golkar.

Look at Assembly Speaker Amien Rais. In facing maneuvers that
may endanger his position as speaker, Amien, who played a key
role in the fall of Soeharto and in ending Golkar's domination,
now has to contemplate Golkar as one of the potential saviors of
his political career.

Amien's party, the National Mandate Party (PAN), has
officially endorsed his candidacy for the presidential race in
2004, but by controlling only 48 seats in the 700-member Assembly
and 41 in the 700-member House of Representatives (DPR)
Amien cannot act alone. The seats themselves are a combination of
those from PAN and from the Justice Party (PK).

In the run-up to next month's Annual Session of the MPR, major
political parties are busy lobbying each other to maximize their
political gain.

With general elections only two years ahead, their major
concern now is not to criticize President Megawati
Soekarnoputri's one-year administration, but more to ensure that
the amendment of the 1945 Constitution will improve their
prospects, and not threaten their very existence. The issue of a
direct presidential election and the existence of the MPR as the
country's supreme institution are among major eye-catching issues
for them.

A Cabinet reshuffle this time is more the concern of the major
members of the coalition government, especially Megawati's
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) and the
party of Vice President Hamzah Haz, the United Development Party
(PPP).

The political parties, however, also want to ensure that they
will get a larger slice of the national development cake: They
sorely need financial resources to fund their election campaigns.

At present it has become apparent that it is not PDI
Perjuangan that is playing the leading role in these
negotiations, but its former destroyer, Golkar. PDI Perjuangan
has reportedly formed an alliance with Golkar to ensure a
trouble-free Annual Session. Megawati needs that party's support
for her government's stability at least until 2004. PDI
Perjuangan formally controls 153 seats in the House and 183 in
the Assembly, while Golkar holds 120 and 178 respectively. The
stronger position of the Regional Representatives faction in the
Assembly, however, could turn the tables at the Assembly.

PDI Perjuangan and Golkar are often described as secular
political parties, where nationalists, Muslims and non-Muslims
work together to realize their goals. On the other side Muslim-
based parties are also busy countering the nationalist alliance.
On Monday representatives from PPP, the National Awakening Party
(PKB) and the Justice Party met in Jakarta.

PDI Perjuangan learned a bitter lesson in the 1999
presidential election. The party had to drop many non-Muslim
candidates after it won the general election, following
complaints from the Muslim side that the former had dominated the
lists. During Soeharto's era, many of Megawati's supporters were
from minorities, either oppressed by Soeharto or who had simply
lost their political privileges.

Megawati refused to make political concessions with other
parties, including Golkar, because she believed that as the
winner of the general election she was entitled to the
presidency. Quoting Islamic teaching, the leaders of Muslim-
oriented parties, like Hamzah, rejected a woman as president.

At that time, after failing to maintain its candidate, B.J.
Habibie, Golkar quickly portrayed itself as defender of Islam and
joined the race to stop Megawati. Muslim cleric Abdurrahman Wahid
eventually won the presidential election, and Megawati was
elected as vice president after a close race with Hamzah.

In July last year, Golkar also played a key role in the fall
of Abddurrahman and the rise of Megawati. With Megawati's
backing, however, Hamzah defeated Akbar in the vice presidential
election.

Golkar is now described as a secular and nationalist-oriented
party. Akbar, who is still on trial for corruption, wishes to
express his gratitude to Megawati, who saved him from the
possible loss of his position as House speaker. Golkar has also
succeeded in persuading PPP and Abdurrahman's PKB not to continue
their attacks against itself.

However, for Golkar there is no permanent coalition or
partner. Its leaders know how to appease its opponents and how to
maneuver them into fulfilling their needs before trapping them.

With its exposure and still-abundant financial resources,
Golkar can easily attract other parties simply by reiterating its
record in the 1999 election. Its message to rivals and potential
allies alike is: "You do whatever you want to as long as you
don't disturb us too much. We'll handle the rest".

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