Indonesian Political, Business & Finance News

Conflicts cloud Megawati's future

| Source: JP

Conflicts cloud Megawati's future

Ardimas Sasdi, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta,
ardimas@thejakartapost.com

A recent admission by a respected Cabinet member that the
ruling Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) was the most
corrupt of all political parties merely confirmed the depths of
corruption here.

The hard-hitting self-criticism launched by Kwik Kian Gie,
Minister of National Development Planning and head of the party's
research department, was challenged by the party's top
executives, who scrambled to query the validity of his data and
the forum in which he communicated his allegations.

However Mochtar Buchori, a scholar and fellow party executive,
said he believed that a rational man of high integrity like Kwik
had carefully pondered the consequences of his words and that he
did it purely to save the party from collapse.

The fact that Kwik finally backed off, saying that he was
wrong to label the party as the most corrupt and refused to
counter challenges from his critics, according to Mochtar, was
that he did this all out of respect for, and his desire to serve,
Megawati Soekarnoputri, both as president and party chairwoman.

Kwik said PDI Perjuangan was in danger of disarray due to
rampant corruption and that it may break down in the next polls.

Yet long before the shock waves raised by Kwik, the party's
executives, members and supporters, who contributed greatly to
the stunning 33 percent votes garnered by Megawati in 1999
election, have one by one shunned the party for failing to live
up to its pledge to fight for the poor. It has also fallen short
of expectations in solving internal conflicts and combating
corruption.

The exodus includes Dimyati Hartono, Megawati's close aide and
a professor of constitutional law, former speech writer Eros
Djarot and a group led by businessman Handoko, who have each
formed their own parties. In Java, the power base of PDI
Perjuangan, many party executives have joined other parties.

An informed source disclosed that even at the party's central
board, executives were divided into at least three camps, each
with their own political agendas and business interests. The
strongest is said to be the group which is loyal to Taufik
Kiemas, Megawati's husband.

The party friction has also reportedly affected familial ties
among Sukarno's offsprings. Sukmawati Soekarnoputri has long
joined the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI) and Rachmawati
Soekarnoputri established the Pioneer Party (Partai Pelopor),
cooperating with former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid.

One of the PDI Perjuangan's largest blunders was its decision
to endorse the re-election of Army Lt. Gen. (ret) Sutiyoso, a key
figure in the brutal attack on PDI headquarters in Jakarta in
1996, in which dozens of party cadres became martyrs.

Another blunder was last month's government decision to
simultaneously raise fuel prices and electricity and phone rates
amid the gloomy economy -- although the original goal to reduce
subsidies which benefit the rich was laudable.

The price hikes were unacceptable as the announcement came on
the heels of the government's highly controversial plan on the
release and discharge (R&D) policy against problematic bankers.
The policy will in effect absolve the business tycoons which have
sent the country into virtual bankruptcy, through their abuse of
the liquidity credit provided by the government to salvage their
banks from debts and criminal charges. PDI Perjuangan's decisions
on Sutiyoso and R&D smacked of corruption and collusion.

The party's achievement in financial gains from a poor party
in 1999 into a wealthy institution in just four years has also
raised eyebrows, as seen by its luxurious headquarters.

The accumulation of this wealth and allegations of involvement
of PDI Perjuangan executives in corruption will become ammunition
for other parties to attack Megawati in the 2004 election
campaign. The party can no longer be defensive by continuing to
claim it represents the oppressed or is a nationalistic party, or
claim Megawati's legacy as daughter of founding president
Sukarno.

The military is projected to take a neutral stand in line with
its new mission as the country's guardian, and cannot be expected
to stand by PDI Perjuangan as it did with Golkar.

The other parties, including Golkar, National Mandate Party
(PAN) and National Awakening Party (PKB) will most likely attack
Megawati by exposing her government's weaknesses, as they had
done by supporting the nationwide protests on utility prices.

Big parties have also drafted their campaign programs while
PDI Perjuangan still grapples with internal conflicts and
corruption issues.

The Golkar Party has fielded alternative candidates for its
next presidential candidate to gauge public response, realizing
the complex problem dogging chairman Akbar Tandjung, who is
embroiled in a Rp 40 billion corruption scandal involving the
National Logistics Agency.

Golkar, which has trained 1.2 million cadres in a bid to
return, will also maximize the growing disappointment in the
government and an illusion with the stable past under Soeharto to
gain votes among the grassroots and business circles.

PAN has stepped up its support of Amien's campaign for the
presidency by portraying him as a pluralistic and visionary
leader; the latest move is portraying him as "Mr. Clean" as shown
in the new PAN calendar, given to anyone for free.

The direct 2004 presidential election, the first to be held
here, will also benefit presidential candidates from Golkar and
Amien, who are more communicative, skillful in public debates and
rich in ideas compared to Megawati.

Will the election defy predictions by some quarters, including
foreign diplomats, that Megawati will be reelected with the
support of her diehard supporters from the low income bracket in
Java and Bali? This sounds a humiliating assumption to the poor.

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