Conflicts cloud Megawati's future
Ardimas Sasdi, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta, ardimas@thejakartapost.com
A recent admission by a respected Cabinet member that the ruling Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) was the most corrupt of all political parties merely confirmed the depths of corruption here.
The hard-hitting self-criticism launched by Kwik Kian Gie, Minister of National Development Planning and head of the party's research department, was challenged by the party's top executives, who scrambled to query the validity of his data and the forum in which he communicated his allegations.
However Mochtar Buchori, a scholar and fellow party executive, said he believed that a rational man of high integrity like Kwik had carefully pondered the consequences of his words and that he did it purely to save the party from collapse.
The fact that Kwik finally backed off, saying that he was wrong to label the party as the most corrupt and refused to counter challenges from his critics, according to Mochtar, was that he did this all out of respect for, and his desire to serve, Megawati Soekarnoputri, both as president and party chairwoman.
Kwik said PDI Perjuangan was in danger of disarray due to rampant corruption and that it may break down in the next polls.
Yet long before the shock waves raised by Kwik, the party's executives, members and supporters, who contributed greatly to the stunning 33 percent votes garnered by Megawati in 1999 election, have one by one shunned the party for failing to live up to its pledge to fight for the poor. It has also fallen short of expectations in solving internal conflicts and combating corruption.
The exodus includes Dimyati Hartono, Megawati's close aide and a professor of constitutional law, former speech writer Eros Djarot and a group led by businessman Handoko, who have each formed their own parties. In Java, the power base of PDI Perjuangan, many party executives have joined other parties.
An informed source disclosed that even at the party's central board, executives were divided into at least three camps, each with their own political agendas and business interests. The strongest is said to be the group which is loyal to Taufik Kiemas, Megawati's husband.
The party friction has also reportedly affected familial ties among Sukarno's offsprings. Sukmawati Soekarnoputri has long joined the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI) and Rachmawati Soekarnoputri established the Pioneer Party (Partai Pelopor), cooperating with former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid.
One of the PDI Perjuangan's largest blunders was its decision to endorse the re-election of Army Lt. Gen. (ret) Sutiyoso, a key figure in the brutal attack on PDI headquarters in Jakarta in 1996, in which dozens of party cadres became martyrs.
Another blunder was last month's government decision to simultaneously raise fuel prices and electricity and phone rates amid the gloomy economy -- although the original goal to reduce subsidies which benefit the rich was laudable.
The price hikes were unacceptable as the announcement came on the heels of the government's highly controversial plan on the release and discharge (R&D) policy against problematic bankers. The policy will in effect absolve the business tycoons which have sent the country into virtual bankruptcy, through their abuse of the liquidity credit provided by the government to salvage their banks from debts and criminal charges. PDI Perjuangan's decisions on Sutiyoso and R&D smacked of corruption and collusion.
The party's achievement in financial gains from a poor party in 1999 into a wealthy institution in just four years has also raised eyebrows, as seen by its luxurious headquarters.
The accumulation of this wealth and allegations of involvement of PDI Perjuangan executives in corruption will become ammunition for other parties to attack Megawati in the 2004 election campaign. The party can no longer be defensive by continuing to claim it represents the oppressed or is a nationalistic party, or claim Megawati's legacy as daughter of founding president Sukarno.
The military is projected to take a neutral stand in line with its new mission as the country's guardian, and cannot be expected to stand by PDI Perjuangan as it did with Golkar.
The other parties, including Golkar, National Mandate Party (PAN) and National Awakening Party (PKB) will most likely attack Megawati by exposing her government's weaknesses, as they had done by supporting the nationwide protests on utility prices.
Big parties have also drafted their campaign programs while PDI Perjuangan still grapples with internal conflicts and corruption issues.
The Golkar Party has fielded alternative candidates for its next presidential candidate to gauge public response, realizing the complex problem dogging chairman Akbar Tandjung, who is embroiled in a Rp 40 billion corruption scandal involving the National Logistics Agency.
Golkar, which has trained 1.2 million cadres in a bid to return, will also maximize the growing disappointment in the government and an illusion with the stable past under Soeharto to gain votes among the grassroots and business circles.
PAN has stepped up its support of Amien's campaign for the presidency by portraying him as a pluralistic and visionary leader; the latest move is portraying him as "Mr. Clean" as shown in the new PAN calendar, given to anyone for free.
The direct 2004 presidential election, the first to be held here, will also benefit presidential candidates from Golkar and Amien, who are more communicative, skillful in public debates and rich in ideas compared to Megawati.
Will the election defy predictions by some quarters, including foreign diplomats, that Megawati will be reelected with the support of her diehard supporters from the low income bracket in Java and Bali? This sounds a humiliating assumption to the poor.