Challenges of reviving traditional governance
Challenges of reviving traditional governance
Ranny Emilia and Mochamad Indrawan, Jakarta
The revival of traditional systems of governance (adat
systems), most of which were destroyed during Soeharto's 32-year
rule, could strengthen regional autonomy and provide greater
opportunities for involving the public in governance.
It must be remembered however that such an effort would
require a comprehensive approach because there were major changes
to the system during the Soeharto era, and those who benefit from
the current system would resist efforts to revive the adat if
their interests were not accommodated.
As noted by the Center for Studies of Development and
Sociocultural Changes (University of Andalas), in collaboration
with the Partnership for Governance Reform in Indonesia, the
revitalization of the nagari system in West Sumatra experienced
its ups and downs, from which valuable lessons may be learned.
For a long time the nagari system has worked as the basic
governance unit for Minangkabau society. The structure and
functions of the system are quite democratic and clearly
delineated. The nagari regulates and implements both formal and
traditional systems of governance.
The chieftain of the nagari (wali nagari) sits in the nagari's
general assembly (Kerapatan Adat Nagari), as do the other
traditional leaders including the penghulu (the chieftain of the
tribal council), ulema (alim ulama) and cerdik pandai (the nagari
intellectuals). Consensus building is the general rule of the
assembly. Land for the Minangkabau people is considered a social
asset that reflects cultural identity as well as self-identity.
The territories of the nagari are well defined and include
high forests (including undisturbed forests, swamp forests and
mangroves), as well as more open lands (including rice fields,
private gardens, settlements and all cultivated land). The
natural resources are recognized as common property and managed
collectively as such.
The nagari system was systematically suppressed in 1983, when
the central government introduced desa (villages) as the
homogenized system throughout Indonesia. Under the rule of the
New Order, the existing 534 nagari were broken up into more than
3,000 villages. Consequently, the communal lands were distributed
among villages with little historical connections.
Under the New Order, jorong (which is the smallest unit of
nagari occupied by the same tribe) was established as a village.
When the total population was less than that of a typical
village, more than one jorong were merged into one. Such top-down
administrative divisions caused acute conflicts, and tore many of
the nagari entities apart altogether.
Consequently, citizens fought for pieces of traditional lands
and assets. Village heads became forceful decision-makers and the
adat (traditional) leaders were placed in different and lower
compartments. Much of the ownership of the traditional lands was
co-opted by private interests, and some land was taken over
entirely by the state. Trust in the adat leaders deteriorated.
With the rise of the reform era, particularly decentralization
and regional autonomy in 1999, the provincial government of West
Sumatra issued a regulation that in principle reinstated nagari
as the basic governing unit, returning the original structure as
much as possible.
The revitalization of the nagari system provides for some
optimism for local democratization and good governance.
However, challenges remain. The prior objective of rebuilding
the nagari system in West Sumatra was to give communities an
opportunity to explore their "place" (or democratic space) and to
analyze situations of importance to their interests and needs.
There are dilemmas, ironies and paradoxes within this context.
Nagari operates with the spirit of localism, yet involves
preferences that are in some way contradictory to the original
nature.
To start with, there are risks of discrimination. Even under
the highly ethical nagari system, women and immigrants are
practically excluded from democratic decision-making processes.
Certain traditional groups have even been known to co-opt
ownership and access to local resources.
Traditional laws are not always in line with state laws,
giving rise to further conflicts especially over land use,
natural resources and geographic territories. In Agam regency,
community members pressured the local government to cancel the
administrative expansion of the city of Bukittinggi for fear of
breaking up the original nagari. In Tanah Datar and Lima Puluh
Kota, a number of villages refused to be reintegrated with their
original nagari because they did not want to share the assets and
resources their villages had acquired during the New Order.
Still, a number of nagari communities aspire to break from their
original nagari.
The transition back to the nagari system requires
preconditioning and proactive measures. If unmanaged, measures to
revitalize of the traditional system may end up only as rhetoric.
The recognition of the rights and obligations of nagari
governments should be institutionalized by establishing political
contracts between citizens and the government, and consequently
by passing the relevant regulations. Social capital for self-
governance as inherited in the nagari structure and culture must
be properly reidentified and mobilized.
Leaders will need to provide innovative thinking to mainstream
the positive norms, at the same time protecting people from
contemporary and untested new ideas emanating, for instance, from
globalization. Furthermore, the belief that "indigenous" members
should be provided exclusive access to decision-making and
resources should be dispelled.
As for the regional government, policy support is needed in
the form of regional regulations, synchronized with the positive
values of nagari governance. Participatory processes that have
been undermined with the introduction of villages must be
reinstated, including the crafting of public policy.
Eventually, in light of the matrilineal nature of Minangkabau
society, there is need to create sustainable forums for bundo
kanduang (true-mother leadership) to encourage women groups to
develop a common agenda to increase women's ability to manage
government and lead the transition back to an effective nagari
system.
Ranny Emilia is a lecturer in the School of Social and
Political Sciences at the University of Andalas. Mochamad
Indrawan is a consultant with the Partnership for Governance
Reform in Indonesia. The views expressed above do not necessarily
reflect those of the University of Andalas or the Partnership for
Governance Reform in Indonesia.