Challenges of reviving traditional governance

Challenges of reviving traditional governance

Ranny Emilia and Mochamad Indrawan, Jakarta

The revival of traditional systems of governance (adat systems), most of which were destroyed during Soeharto's 32-year rule, could strengthen regional autonomy and provide greater opportunities for involving the public in governance.

It must be remembered however that such an effort would require a comprehensive approach because there were major changes to the system during the Soeharto era, and those who benefit from the current system would resist efforts to revive the adat if their interests were not accommodated.

As noted by the Center for Studies of Development and Sociocultural Changes (University of Andalas), in collaboration with the Partnership for Governance Reform in Indonesia, the revitalization of the nagari system in West Sumatra experienced its ups and downs, from which valuable lessons may be learned.

For a long time the nagari system has worked as the basic governance unit for Minangkabau society. The structure and functions of the system are quite democratic and clearly delineated. The nagari regulates and implements both formal and traditional systems of governance.

The chieftain of the nagari (wali nagari) sits in the nagari's general assembly (Kerapatan Adat Nagari), as do the other traditional leaders including the penghulu (the chieftain of the tribal council), ulema (alim ulama) and cerdik pandai (the nagari intellectuals). Consensus building is the general rule of the assembly. Land for the Minangkabau people is considered a social asset that reflects cultural identity as well as self-identity.

The territories of the nagari are well defined and include high forests (including undisturbed forests, swamp forests and mangroves), as well as more open lands (including rice fields, private gardens, settlements and all cultivated land). The natural resources are recognized as common property and managed collectively as such.

The nagari system was systematically suppressed in 1983, when the central government introduced desa (villages) as the homogenized system throughout Indonesia. Under the rule of the New Order, the existing 534 nagari were broken up into more than 3,000 villages. Consequently, the communal lands were distributed among villages with little historical connections.

Under the New Order, jorong (which is the smallest unit of nagari occupied by the same tribe) was established as a village. When the total population was less than that of a typical village, more than one jorong were merged into one. Such top-down administrative divisions caused acute conflicts, and tore many of the nagari entities apart altogether.

Consequently, citizens fought for pieces of traditional lands and assets. Village heads became forceful decision-makers and the adat (traditional) leaders were placed in different and lower compartments. Much of the ownership of the traditional lands was co-opted by private interests, and some land was taken over entirely by the state. Trust in the adat leaders deteriorated.

With the rise of the reform era, particularly decentralization and regional autonomy in 1999, the provincial government of West Sumatra issued a regulation that in principle reinstated nagari as the basic governing unit, returning the original structure as much as possible.

The revitalization of the nagari system provides for some optimism for local democratization and good governance.

However, challenges remain. The prior objective of rebuilding the nagari system in West Sumatra was to give communities an opportunity to explore their "place" (or democratic space) and to analyze situations of importance to their interests and needs. There are dilemmas, ironies and paradoxes within this context. Nagari operates with the spirit of localism, yet involves preferences that are in some way contradictory to the original nature.

To start with, there are risks of discrimination. Even under the highly ethical nagari system, women and immigrants are practically excluded from democratic decision-making processes. Certain traditional groups have even been known to co-opt ownership and access to local resources.

Traditional laws are not always in line with state laws, giving rise to further conflicts especially over land use, natural resources and geographic territories. In Agam regency, community members pressured the local government to cancel the administrative expansion of the city of Bukittinggi for fear of breaking up the original nagari. In Tanah Datar and Lima Puluh Kota, a number of villages refused to be reintegrated with their original nagari because they did not want to share the assets and resources their villages had acquired during the New Order. Still, a number of nagari communities aspire to break from their original nagari.

The transition back to the nagari system requires preconditioning and proactive measures. If unmanaged, measures to revitalize of the traditional system may end up only as rhetoric.

The recognition of the rights and obligations of nagari governments should be institutionalized by establishing political contracts between citizens and the government, and consequently by passing the relevant regulations. Social capital for self- governance as inherited in the nagari structure and culture must be properly reidentified and mobilized.

Leaders will need to provide innovative thinking to mainstream the positive norms, at the same time protecting people from contemporary and untested new ideas emanating, for instance, from globalization. Furthermore, the belief that "indigenous" members should be provided exclusive access to decision-making and resources should be dispelled.

As for the regional government, policy support is needed in the form of regional regulations, synchronized with the positive values of nagari governance. Participatory processes that have been undermined with the introduction of villages must be reinstated, including the crafting of public policy.

Eventually, in light of the matrilineal nature of Minangkabau society, there is need to create sustainable forums for bundo kanduang (true-mother leadership) to encourage women groups to develop a common agenda to increase women's ability to manage government and lead the transition back to an effective nagari system.

Ranny Emilia is a lecturer in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Andalas. Mochamad Indrawan is a consultant with the Partnership for Governance Reform in Indonesia. The views expressed above do not necessarily reflect those of the University of Andalas or the Partnership for Governance Reform in Indonesia.