Building People from the Margins: Why Sekolah Rakyat Deserves a Chance
The Sekolah Rakyat programme, initiated by the administration of President Prabowo and Vice President Gibran, has drawn both support and criticism. The programme provides free boarding schools for children from poor and extremely poor families, mandated under Presidential Instruction No. 8 of 2025 on the Acceleration of Extreme Poverty Eradication. Entry is strictly assessed to ensure only children from the target demographic are admitted. Launched on 12 January 2025 after a pilot phase, by April 2026 it had expanded to 36 provinces, 166 locations, reaching nearly 15,000 students and 2,500 nationally standardised educators and staff, with a target of 500 schools by 2029.
The Ministry of Social Affairs appointed the Ministry of Public Works for construction, with strict requirements to be met beforehand. Creating an advanced and prosperous society requires quality education, yet Indonesia faces significant challenges in equalising access. Many children drop out or never attend school due to financial constraints, particularly those from impoverished families. The government views Sekolah Rakyat as a means to restore children’s right to education.
However, the programme has faced rejection from some parents uncomfortable with the boarding school system. The government cannot compel participation. As Kediri City Social Agency Head Imam Muttakin stated, if a family prefers a regular school, they are free to choose that path.
Concerns have also arisen over the programme’s substantial budget, reportedly consuming half of the School Operational Assistance (BOS) funds, leading to fears of elite capture and questions about why existing programmes were not simply improved or unused buildings repurposed.
Supporters view Sekolah Rakyat through the lens of social justice. They argue that even tuition-free regular schools remain inaccessible to families in the lowest income deciles due to hidden costs like food, transport, and books—expenses Sekolah Rakyat eliminates entirely. They see it as a bold step to improve Indonesia’s Human Development Index for the lowest economic groups. The boarding school environment is also considered beneficial, providing a conducive space for children to focus entirely on learning and character development without external distractions.
Addressing the criticisms, proponents argue that funding construction, transport, meals, uniforms, and stationery is not wasteful but a fundamental state intervention. Economic theory, such as Gary Becker’s Human Capital theory, identifies ancillary costs as the biggest barrier to school attendance for dropouts, justifying the government covering 100 percent of these expenses.
On corruption risks, the centralised budget model is argued to be more transparent and easier to supervise than fragmented grants to thousands of schools, which are prone to leakage. The system can employ high-level E-Procurement technology involving real-time oversight from the Audit Board (BPK), the Financial and Development Supervisory Agency (BPKP), and even the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).
Regarding the perceived special treatment compared to KIP and BOS recipients, John Rawls’ theory of justice is cited: treating people with different conditions equally is itself an injustice. KIP and BOS are mass programmes to generally reduce dropout rates, but they still fail to reach those in extreme poverty, who require the vertical justice intervention that Sekolah Rakyat provides.
Finally, on the question of fixing existing systems, overhauling the massive, decentralised BOS and KIP bureaucracy would take years, involve tangled regulations, and require adjustments across tens of thousands of schools with varying problems. The bloated decentralised system triggers subtle leakages and inter-regional standard disparities that are slow to correct. Sekolah Rakyat was thus created as a fast-track, parallel pathway to directly reach the most marginalised children.