Asia-Africa partnership to build principled world
Asia-Africa partnership to build principled world
Yayan GH Mulyana, Bogor, West Java
President George W. Bush's continued War On Terror means that
for many states there seem to be only two foreign policy options:
"Either with us (the U.S. and by his inference, the West) or
against us."
This polarized situation is beginning to resemble that of the
Cold War era, when the Western capitalist bloc opposed the
communist East.
In such a context, it becomes difficult for states to make
viable policy choices that could save them from unintended
diplomatic consequences.
When an ideological platform is absent, national interest
becomes an important consideration when a state feels its way
diplomatically. In order to obtain greater economic benefits
many countries are willing to accept and support American foreign
policy, while others accept the U.S. platform partially and
others still reject it totally.
Norms, values and principles are other ways for a state to
work out its diplomatic strategy. These concepts become more
relevant, especially when states need direction in choosing
between the "either with us" or "against us" camps.
States often refer to principles such as those enshrined in
the United Nations Charter when they make decisions regarding a
particular international issue.
The Anglo-American invasion of Iraq is a good example of how
the need to calculate national interest and the need for the
adherence to a set of norms are balanced.
Unlike the U.S. military action in Afghanistan in late 2001,
which enjoyed universal support, the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq
caused strong opposition from many states, including the U.S. and
Britain's traditional allies France and Germany.
When states depend on the economic and political assurances of
the U.S., they tend to support the invasion despite the absence
of UN Security Council approval. Being in the "with us" bloc and
opposing the "against us" bloc is deemed essential for their
survival. This is particularly obvious in the case of states that
have strategic alliances with the U.S., except, of course, France
and Germany.
As far as states grouped into the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)
are concerned, it is a matter of principle for them to reject the
preemptive war in Iraq. NAM states believe the "Coalition of the
Willing"'s action contradicted the UN Charter principles, such as
respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity as well as
principles ruling against the use of force and non-interference.
The Asian-African Summit to be held in Jakarta on April 22-23
and the commemoration of the Golden Jubilee of the 1955 Asian-
African Conference to be hosted in Bandung on April 24 should be
seized on as an opportunity for the Asian-African leaders to
affirm their commitment to the creation of a principled world, a
world that is built upon norms and values, and aims to promote
peace, justice, and prosperity for all.
In this regard, it is pertinent for the leaders to reiterate
their commitment to the Bandung Principles and to place those
principles at the core of their conduct.
The 10 Bandung Principles were the genuine inventions of
Asian-African leaders, and were endorsed during the 1955
conference. Many countries outside the Asia and Africa continents
have embraced these principles and made them the core values of
their foreign policies.
And it is timely for the Asian-African leaders to put these
principles into practice and hold onto them fast in times of both
peace and crisis.
Asian-African states should let these tenets guide their
foreign policies, together with others such as the five
principles of peaceful co-existence and those enshrined in the UN
Charter.
These states should become the guardians of these principles.
In a world where the choice becomes being "either with us or
against us", the following principles are most critical: The
respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all
nations; abstaining from intervening or interfering in the
internal affairs of another country; respect for the rights of
each nation to defend themselves singly or collectively, in
conformity with the Charter of the United Nations; the act of
refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force
against the territorial integrity or the political independence
of any country; and the respect for justice and international
obligations.
Preemptive measures, including making war on terrorism, have
the potential to impinge on or destroy the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of nations.
Unlike the self-defense measures warranted by Article 51 of
the UN charter, preemption is not stipulated in the UN Charter.
In practice, the preemptive doctrine uses presumed threats as a
basis for war. While questionable in itself, this doctrine
becomes highly suspect when no presumed threat is evident.
The problem is exacerbated when military force is applied
before seeking other peaceful solutions first. Civilian
casualties become unavoidable. The prolonged war in Iraq, with
its heavy casualty count and the trauma it has caused the Iraqis
(and also American soldiers), is a consequence of this doctrine.
Toppling a despotic regime does not necessarily mean the use
of massive force.
Every nation has international obligations and a
responsibility to uphold justice. In great power lies great
responsibility.
However, in the language of the UN Charter it is also the
responsibility of all nations, whether small or big, powerful or
less-powerful, to protect people from the scourge of war and to
establish conditions under which justice and respect for
international law can be maintained.
A united Asia-Africa partnership should become a moral force,
having important leverage on other states and regions. This
imperative is based on a conviction that moral capital is no less
powerful than military capital. This partnership should also
become a deterring force against measures that violate
international law, the Bandung Principles, and those of the UN
Charter. It should become one of the core pillars of the
principled world.
This would undeniably become one of the most important
contributions of the Asian-African partnership to the maintenance
of international peace and security.
The writer is a Fulbright alumnus. He can be reached at
yanvontsazik@yahoo.com.