Asia-Africa partnership to build principled world

Asia-Africa partnership to build principled world

Yayan GH Mulyana, Bogor, West Java

President George W. Bush's continued War On Terror means that for many states there seem to be only two foreign policy options: "Either with us (the U.S. and by his inference, the West) or against us."

This polarized situation is beginning to resemble that of the Cold War era, when the Western capitalist bloc opposed the communist East.

In such a context, it becomes difficult for states to make viable policy choices that could save them from unintended diplomatic consequences.

When an ideological platform is absent, national interest becomes an important consideration when a state feels its way diplomatically. In order to obtain greater economic benefits many countries are willing to accept and support American foreign policy, while others accept the U.S. platform partially and others still reject it totally.

Norms, values and principles are other ways for a state to work out its diplomatic strategy. These concepts become more relevant, especially when states need direction in choosing between the "either with us" or "against us" camps.

States often refer to principles such as those enshrined in the United Nations Charter when they make decisions regarding a particular international issue.

The Anglo-American invasion of Iraq is a good example of how the need to calculate national interest and the need for the adherence to a set of norms are balanced.

Unlike the U.S. military action in Afghanistan in late 2001, which enjoyed universal support, the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq caused strong opposition from many states, including the U.S. and Britain's traditional allies France and Germany.

When states depend on the economic and political assurances of the U.S., they tend to support the invasion despite the absence of UN Security Council approval. Being in the "with us" bloc and opposing the "against us" bloc is deemed essential for their survival. This is particularly obvious in the case of states that have strategic alliances with the U.S., except, of course, France and Germany.

As far as states grouped into the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) are concerned, it is a matter of principle for them to reject the preemptive war in Iraq. NAM states believe the "Coalition of the Willing"'s action contradicted the UN Charter principles, such as respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity as well as principles ruling against the use of force and non-interference.

The Asian-African Summit to be held in Jakarta on April 22-23 and the commemoration of the Golden Jubilee of the 1955 Asian- African Conference to be hosted in Bandung on April 24 should be seized on as an opportunity for the Asian-African leaders to affirm their commitment to the creation of a principled world, a world that is built upon norms and values, and aims to promote peace, justice, and prosperity for all.

In this regard, it is pertinent for the leaders to reiterate their commitment to the Bandung Principles and to place those principles at the core of their conduct.

The 10 Bandung Principles were the genuine inventions of Asian-African leaders, and were endorsed during the 1955 conference. Many countries outside the Asia and Africa continents have embraced these principles and made them the core values of their foreign policies.

And it is timely for the Asian-African leaders to put these principles into practice and hold onto them fast in times of both peace and crisis.

Asian-African states should let these tenets guide their foreign policies, together with others such as the five principles of peaceful co-existence and those enshrined in the UN Charter.

These states should become the guardians of these principles. In a world where the choice becomes being "either with us or against us", the following principles are most critical: The respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations; abstaining from intervening or interfering in the internal affairs of another country; respect for the rights of each nation to defend themselves singly or collectively, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations; the act of refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against the territorial integrity or the political independence of any country; and the respect for justice and international obligations.

Preemptive measures, including making war on terrorism, have the potential to impinge on or destroy the sovereignty and territorial integrity of nations.

Unlike the self-defense measures warranted by Article 51 of the UN charter, preemption is not stipulated in the UN Charter. In practice, the preemptive doctrine uses presumed threats as a basis for war. While questionable in itself, this doctrine becomes highly suspect when no presumed threat is evident.

The problem is exacerbated when military force is applied before seeking other peaceful solutions first. Civilian casualties become unavoidable. The prolonged war in Iraq, with its heavy casualty count and the trauma it has caused the Iraqis (and also American soldiers), is a consequence of this doctrine.

Toppling a despotic regime does not necessarily mean the use of massive force.

Every nation has international obligations and a responsibility to uphold justice. In great power lies great responsibility.

However, in the language of the UN Charter it is also the responsibility of all nations, whether small or big, powerful or less-powerful, to protect people from the scourge of war and to establish conditions under which justice and respect for international law can be maintained.

A united Asia-Africa partnership should become a moral force, having important leverage on other states and regions. This imperative is based on a conviction that moral capital is no less powerful than military capital. This partnership should also become a deterring force against measures that violate international law, the Bandung Principles, and those of the UN Charter. It should become one of the core pillars of the principled world.

This would undeniably become one of the most important contributions of the Asian-African partnership to the maintenance of international peace and security.

The writer is a Fulbright alumnus. He can be reached at yanvontsazik@yahoo.com.