Wiranto's exit

Whatever the reason for it, there is no denying the strong element of drama in President Abdurrahman Wahid's stunning decision on Sunday night to suspend Gen. Wiranto, the ex- Indonesian Military chief, from his powerful post as coordinating minister for political affairs and security.

For more than a fortnight, Indonesians, and perhaps many others around the globe as well, were kept in suspense as to whether the President had either the power or the courage to do what obviously had to be done: end the match of wills between him and Wiranto by removing the recalcitrant general from the Cabinet.

That Wiranto had to go had for a long time been obvious to everyone. For the record, an official inquiry by an Indonesian human rights commission implicated Wiranto, as the then commander of the Indonesian Military, in the post-referendum violence in East Timor in September last year. But even before that, East Timorese proindependence leaders and a few Indonesian human rights activists had accused the Wiranto-led Indonesian Military of having been either directly or indirectly involved in the rampage.

With the official Indonesian inquiry putting at least some of the blame for the East Timor mayhem on Wiranto's shoulders, the general's continued presence in the Cabinet became an obvious liability to President Abdurrahman Wahid's government, both at home and abroad. Moreover, while the human rights commission's findings dictated that Wiranto's case be officially investigated, his position in the Cabinet would have made it awkward for state prosecutors to perform their job properly.

For Wiranto personally, an independent trial in an Indonesian court of law is the best option for him given the circumstances. The only other apparent option is a trial in an international court, which could be expected to be a good deal less lenient than an Indonesian court, and which could cause international embarrassment not only for Wiranto personally, but for the nation as well.

Hence, President Abdurrahman's repeated remark that by calling for Wiranto to resign voluntarily he was acting in the best interest not only of Wiranto, but of the country as well. This was clearly the case, because foreign governments and investors were watching to see how the Indonesian Military would react if Wiranto persisted in his stubborn refusal to resign, or was forced to step down.

As it happened, the standoff ended rather happily. Wiranto has been replaced ad interim by Minister of Home Affairs Surjadi Soedirdja, and the military leadership has affirmed its continued support of the President, as has the House of Representatives. Gen. Wiranto himself has accepted his replacement as the President's prerogative.

Throughout this episode, Indonesia and the world have been presented with an example of Abdurrahman's peculiar style of getting things done. For over a fortnight, the President kept people guessing about what he was planning to do. Up to the last moment, the President made it appear as if he was willing to compromise and allow Wiranto to remain in his post, pending an official probe into his alleged involvement in the violence in East Timor.

When the final decision came, close to midnight on Sunday, it caught everybody by surprise. Most newspapers in Jakarta were caught off guard and missed the President's announcement in their morning editions. A deliberate diversionary tactic? Hard to say. But anyone who has an interest in "reading" Abdurrahman and his apparent inconsistencies had better be aware that the Indonesian President has long had a reputation as a skillful politician.

But what is most important is that the job of removing Wiranto from the Cabinet has been achieved by a civilian, democratically elected President, with no shocks or upheavals.

That is a great achievement and a giant step in the right direction for the country. As for the rest, we believe the President will keep his word and treat Wiranto with all the deference that is possible under the circumstances.