Will our new-found freedom last?

Will our new-found freedom last?

By Ignas Kleden

This is the first of two articles on state and democracy.

JAKARTA (JP): The relationship between a strong government and
democracy in Indonesia is not very difficult to identify. If one
takes the political development of the Old Order of Sukarno and
the New Order of Soeharto into account the correlation is
definitely a negative one. This means the stronger the
government, the weaker democracy, and conversely the weaker the
government, the stronger democracy.

More precisely: a strong president in Indonesia tends to
become a constraint to the development of democracy, whereas a
weak president tends to allow for more democratic initiatives
within society.

This pattern could be observed during the two previous
regimes. Before 1959, Sukarno was more or less merely a symbolic
president. The government was run according to the mechanism of
the parliamentary system whereby political decisions resulted
from debates within parliament.

The existence and the workings of cabinets were dependent upon
the approval or disapproval of parliament. Political discussions,
debates and even polemics took place quite often, many of which
demonstrated very bright political intelligence and thoughtful
insight of those who were involved.

Political polemics in particular showed a resourceful language
game and very witty rhetorical ingenuity which is still enjoyed
and even admired by many people to this day.

The negative side of this situation was that democratic
freedom was sometimes so overdone that there was no stable
government which had enough time to get things done. Some
cabinets stayed in office even less than six months (to mention
some examples, the Cabinet of Amir Sjarifuddin I lasted from July
3, 1947 until Nov. 11, 1947, the Cabinet of Amir Sjarifuddin II
from Nov. 11, 1947 to Jan. 29, 1948, the Cabinet of Soesanto from
Dec. 20, 1949 to Jan. 21, 1950). Besides that, interparty rivalry
more often than not resulted in protracted conflicts without a
corresponding willingness and ability to compromise.

To sum it up: the ability to differ was well developed but the
capacity to come to a political consensus was miserable. In that
sense, political competition brought about the neglect of serious
implementation of a well-planned economic policy, this leading
finally to a near-destitute economic condition by the end of the
Old Order. Scarcity of basic foodstuffs, astronomical increase in
inflation and the corruption of political leaders became the
order of the day.

The lack of the ability to compromise as well as the lengthy
debate within the parliament concerning a new constitution
without ever finalizing it, left president Sukarno no other
choice but to dissolve parliament and to put the 1945
Constitution into force.

The government was run since then according to the
presidential system and Sukarno, who for 15 years had been merely
a symbolic head of state, became the real powerholder who held so
many offices: the head of state, the head of government, the
military commander, the Great Leader of the Revolution and then
more.

The enforcement of the presidential system made the president
very powerful and the political system more stable. However,
democracy started to suffer from a very obvious inclination
toward authoritarian governance, whereby many political decisions
were made according to the revolutionary mood of Sukarno, who
kept telling the people that the revolution was not yet
completed.

Revolution became the general justification for any political
action of the president and a general apology for all
shortcomings within the government. Economic problems were viewed
by Sukarno as small technical questions which were in no way to
be compared with the grandeur of a revolutionary cause.

Political opponents and political critics of Sukarno were sent
to jail without due legal process, the crusading newspaper
Indonesia Raya was banned, and the political and diplomatic
relations with Western countries and the United Nations worsened.

Academics were denounced as text-book thinkers who could not
understand the course of revolution, while the Communist Party
succeeded in coming into his favor. There was little focus on the
economy and slowly but surely politics became "the chief
commander" of all other sectors of life. Art and literature were
in great difficulty because Sukarno, who was under the militant
influence of members of the communist-leaning People's Cultural
Institute (Lekra), was made to believe that there was no
worthwhile art and literature.

Every cultural activity should be dedicated to the cause of
revolution as well to the interests of the people. Those who
tried to defend freedom of expression in art and literature lost
their jobs and were dismissed from their positions at
universities. Politics became the main sector, to which every
other sector should adjust itself.

Revolutionary rhetoric turned out to be very effective in
mobilizing people, but certainly was not able to meet their basic
needs.

The worsening economic condition, the arbitrariness of Sukarno
in exercising his power, the absence of political and social
control, the widening moral decadence of people around Sukarno,
the political insecurity which increased in accordance with the
increasing maneuvers of the Communist Party, as well as the
rivalry between the Army and the leftist social forces became
finally too great a burden for the Sukarno regime.

When students and the Army started to say "No" to the regime,
Sukarno could not withstand the resurgence and was forced to quit
his powerful position.

The end of Sukarno's strong government opened the door to
democratic initiatives. The Indonesian press regained its freedom
of expression and started carrying out its job accordingly.
Students were allowed to voice their opinions and criticism.

Political rallies and demonstrations had not yet been
prohibited whereas student leaders were still allowed to meet
then president Soeharto and discuss the political and economic
situation with him face to face.

The relatively democratic situation lasted during the years in
which Soeharto had yet to learn about economic affairs from
experts and technocrats, as well as learn many things about
political affairs from civilian politicians. In those years he
also was doing his best to consolidate political support from the
military, from students and from society in general.

Soeharto's democratic attitude lasted until early 1970, when
students started waging demonstrations against corruption in
general and against the plan to build Taman Mini Indonesia Indah
in particular.

According to the students, the idea of Taman Mini was not bad,
but the time for realizing it was inappropriate. There were still
so many economic and political problems that should be given
priority. All funds and forces should be used cleverly according
to the degree of urgency.

The protest against the plan of Taman Mini seemed to embarrass
Soeharto very much, since the woman behind the proposal was Mrs.
Soeharto herself. Soeharto made a speech in which he made it very
clear that any action taken against the first lady implied action
against him, and that he would not hesitate to take strong
measures in response to that.

The said speech became a kind of political revelation to the
students, who suddenly were enlightened about the real nature of
power which tended to corrupt its holder.

The worsening relationship between Soeharto and the students,
who previously were his faithful political supporters, was
definitely broken and terminated in the Malari affair in January
1974. It was a time of escalating student protest against the
domination of foreign capital, especially that from Japan.
Students went to the streets again, but they could not keep
everything under control. Proyek Senen, the main business center
in Central Jakarta was set on fire.

Some student leaders were arrested and sent to jail along with
some politicians, intellectuals, professionals and academics who
were accused of helping mastermind the whole incident. The
Soeharto government became more and more wary of the students and
of any critical action, while the students bitterly said goodbye
to the hopes they out in Soeharto and his regime. President
Soeharto started to rule with a heavy hand, and the initial hope
for a comeback of democracy turned out to be nothing but a mere
seductive mirage.

The writer is a sociologist based in Jakarta.