Why Australia matters to Indonesia
By Dewi Anggraeni
MELBOURNE (JP): Wise people say that you only know your friends when you are going through bad times. And true friends, it is fair to say, do not make a song and dance about what they do to assist you. It is therefore reasonable to say that Australia has been such a friend to Indonesia.
Australia's involvement in the present situation in Indonesia has been far from one dimensional. In fact it has been multi- dimensional. It spreads widely across various sectors, from government, academic, legal, community lobbies to business. And more important, it also covers both sides of the political spectrum.
Australia's role in the endeavor to arrest the monetary crisis in Indonesia is significant, because unlike Indonesia's fellow ASEAN nations who incidentally are experiencing varying degrees of difficulties, it is still identified as a Western nation. While most Western societies watch Indonesia from the same side as the United States, Australia dared to step out and reenter the field as a mediator, exhorting the IMF and the U.S. to soften their stance on Indonesia.
Admittedly, Australia's concern for Indonesia's dire situation is not altogether altruistic. Indonesia holds a leading position in ASEAN, which Western policymakers are hoping to use as a counterbalance against the rise of China.
This concern does not stop at the issue of post-Cold War regional security either. If Indonesia became defensive and inward-turning, it could close the Sunda Strait to foreign ships, potentially causing trade problems and global security concerns. And Australia, being the closest neighbor, would be the most vulnerable of the Western economies and forces.
In trade, while Indonesia is not a major trading partner, it is regarded as having potential for further growth as an export market. The contraction of that market therefore is not in Australia's interest. Despite the extended economic crisis in Indonesia, there is still sufficient optimism on the part of Australia's business community, encouraged by the government, that the economy will improve and that it is worth persevering.
This self-interest however is a necessary double-edged sword. There has never been a relationship between two nations that is entirely and unilaterally altruistic. There needs to be a balance (or tension) between self-interest and altruism, if the relationship is going to be long-lasting and meaningful.
At the government level, there is an acute awareness of this balance, which translates into bipartisan support for the endeavor to assist Indonesia in overcoming the crisis.
Recently, when tension between the Indonesian government and the IMF became so high that a break was imminent, Australia's Foreign Minister Alexander Downer went to Washington to lobby the U.S. government and the IMF to reformulate its terms on the fund's rescue package.
And make a difference he did. By the end of March the effect was visible; the IMF, following the change of stance of Singapore, Hong Kong and the U.S., took a more "flexible and realistic" view of the situation in Indonesia.
It is worth noting that Downer did not seem to overrate his role publicly, or, on the other hand, Australian media, known for its understatement when it comes to the achievements of its own national leaders, may not have made a big story out of it.
All this does not mean that the messages from Australia are only peaches and cream. While the government and the opposition concentrate on ways of helping Indonesia out of the crisis, the community at large is aware of the political situation and the resulting social problems and is not slow in expressing its concern publicly.
The Australian Council for Overseas Aid (ACFOA) for instance, has been a strong advocate for human rights improvement in Indonesia. It has been providing forums for disadvantaged groups in Indonesia to voice their protests and inform the Australian public of injustices and human rights violations in the country.
Alongside ACFOA, a number of community legal bodies also play an important role in raising the awareness of the Australian public of pressing needs in Indonesia, thus directly or indirectly lobbying the government to take steps toward improvement. Support for detained political activists also comes from academia, who regularly send petitions to the Indonesian authorities expressing their concerns.
In the beginning of this month, a legal body with international profile, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) raised the human rights issue in Indonesia, after Spencer Zifcak, president of the Victorian council of ICJ Australian section, arrived back from Indonesia on April 4.
Zifcak reported that there was clear evidence of a "crackdown on political dissent" in the country stating among other things, that 400 Indonesians had been arrested in the four months to March. The ICJ then asked the Australian government to make its support for Indonesia conditional upon the country improving its human rights record.
The Australian section's president, Justice John Dowd, then said that "the Indonesian government has to understand that if the world is going to help them out of their problems, they have got to accept that these are the terms in which we do it. That is, human rights applied."
The big picture that comes across from all the activities taking place in relation to Australia's place and role in the Indonesian crisis is one of Australia increasingly accepting that its fate is entwined with that of Indonesia. As this realization is not always welcome in some sections of the community, it may be part of the pain of Australia maturing as a nation.
The writer is a freelance journalist based in Melbourne.