Why Asia-Africa?

Why Asia-Africa?

On April 22 and April 23, Indonesia will host a major summit
bringing together 106 delegations from Asia and Africa. More than
53 state leaders have confirmed their attendance at the summit,
which will be followed by a gathering to commemorate the historic
1955 Bandung Conference.

At a time when the country is still mourning the horrific
devastation of the Dec. 26 earthquake and tsunami -- coupled with
the emergency brought about by last week's earthquake near Nias
island -- it is appropriate to ask whether it is necessary or
decorous to be hosting such a lavish gathering.

Though foreign donors will cover a large portion of the
event's costs, does the country need to expend time and resources
on such a high-profile meet-and-greet?

Indonesian foreign minister Hassan Wirajuda has been quick to
deny the meeting will simply be an emotional journey to the past.
He insists the summit will begin work on institutionalizing a
cooperative process between the world's two largest continents,
something that has been sorely lacking.

The timing of the summit was somewhat unavoidable, given that
the Bandung Conference's golden jubilee has provided the momentum
for the initiative.

There are certainly merits to this argument, and Indonesia's
foreign policy should be based on idealism rather than the simple
pragmatism of dollars and cents or the alignment of superpowers.

The Asia-Africa initiative is evidence of our commitment to
establishing a cooperative global environment in which nations
are equally respected, regardless of their domestic economic and
political circumstances. In this respect, we should lend our
support to the summit.

Indonesia has a proud history of a free and active foreign
policy. Whether siding with the underdog or rejecting hegemonic
domination, this summit demonstrates Indonesia retains its
constitutional goals in foreign policy.

As president Sukarno said in his address to the 1955 Bandung
Conference: "We can inject the voice of reason into world
affairs. We can mobilize all the spiritual, all the moral, all
the political strength of Asia and Africa on the side of peace."

But man cannot live by idealism alone. And it is the challenge
of the foreign ministry to prove that this multimillion dollar
conference can provide tangible results that benefit all
Indonesians.

The ministry must respond to skepticism over summit diplomacy
and criticism from individuals who believe that cooperation with
Africa should be more selective, based on bilateral agreements
with nations that have clear trade potential.

Officials directly involved in the process sometimes scoff at
such remarks, putting them down to ignorance at the usefulness of
grand multilateral diplomacy.

But these officials should be reminded that the country has
seen its share of summit diplomacy, and few Indonesians can
explain how any of these summits have improved their lives, other
than providing them a new jargon.

Concrete cooperation that promotes short-term action and
yields long-term results must be a highlight of the coming
summit.

Any sense of exclusivity or extravagance should be avoided. It
is imperative that organizers avoid the perception that a lavish
party is being thrown at the expense of ordinary Indonesians.

It is also important for officials to project at the
conference the post-New Order values that have imbued the
country. The activism of Indonesian diplomacy is not just to show
that "we're back". It must exhibit that Indonesia is back on the
international stage with a vigor for democratic values that
celebrate human dignity, political rights and economic equality.

It is in this aspect that the meeting may stumble over its
paradoxes. Many Asian and African nations are notorious for being
flagrant violators of political and economic rights.

Genocide and oppression are contemporary events plaguing many
nations on the two continents. Sadly, many of the leaders and
officials Indonesia has invited to the summit are the
perpetrators of some of these heinous acts.

While it is not our intention to poke our fingers into other
countries' domestic politics, Indonesia, which suffered a great
deal to embrace democracy, should make clear that any cooperation
between Asian and African states must be based on ethical and
moral standards.

Sukarno, in remarks to delegates at the 1955 conference, said
society and government "need to be based upon the highest code of
morality and ethics".

He also warned that colonialism had a modern guise in the form
of "control by a small but alien community within a nation". It
would be regrettable not to recognize that this "alien community"
is often the ruling regime of a nation itself.