Who's behind the Poso, Palu violence this time?

Who's behind the Poso, Palu violence this time?

Ruslan Sangadji and A'an Suryana, The Jakarta Post, Palu/Jakarta

After a brief period of relative peace, a series of significant
incidents have again jolted the Central Sulawesi regency of Poso.

Are these incidents a precursor to a wider escalation of
conflict or they isolated incidents? The answer may be a little
bit of yes on both accounts.

Once a resort town, Poso -- some 250 kilometers east of the
provincial capital Palu -- was known for its landscape, beautiful
scenery and rich, diverse culture. It became a haven which
attracted the haves of the province as a weekend getaway.

But prolonged sectarian conflict and a string of mysterious
fatal attacks has turned Poso into a killing field.

The conflict in Poso and Palu is believed to be rooted in the
conflict that erupted between 1998 and 1999. The first incident
in 1998 erupted after a drunk Christian attacked a Muslim. The
conflict did not escalate as local religious figures and police
personnel quickly calmed the situation.

It was concluded that the violence was caused by the rampant
sale of alcoholic drinks in the city. Following the meeting,
hard-line religious groups began to make random checks at
amusement places and shops, often destroying alcoholic drinks
whenever found.

Another major upheaval in the city happened at the end of
1999, when a Muslim youth claimed to have been attacked by a
Christian at Lombogia Bus Terminal. The youth was seen with his
hands smeared in blood. This inflamed the fragile atmosphere and
it was not long before several churches in Lombogia subdistrict
were burned.

As a result, thousands of Christian residents took refuge to
the predominantly Christian district of North Pamona, some 75
kilometers south of Poso.

A major incident again flared in April 2000. It started when
three Christian leaders -- Fabianus Tibo, Dominggus Da Silva and
Marinus Riwu -- descended on Poso town to rescue a handful of
students trapped in a Catholic dormitory. The students claimed to
have been threatened by Poso Muslim groups. The three "Christian
youth leaders" marched in with dozens of armed followers, known
as Bat Paramilitary Troops. Their presence sparked a new episode
of violence in Poso.

Karman Karim, a lawyer and head of the Muslim Victims
Evacuation Team, said the killing was done in a vicious manner.
The remains were rarely found intact. Some were decapitated,
others were missing limbs. Corpses, both Muslims and Christians,
were found abandoned in wells, swampy areas and houses.

Some claim the death toll was as high as 2,000, but a more
conservative estimate by the government put it at 577. The
conflict in 2000 also caused tremendous material losses with 83
places of worship damaged and nearly 8,000 burned.

By the end of 2000, it was reported that the Java-based hard-
line group Laskar Jihad Ahlussunah Wal Jamaah, led by Ja'far Umar
Thalib, began entering Poso with heavily armed volunteers.

Local authorities were informed of their arrival but
apparently did little to stop them. The presence of the group
boosted the clout of the local Nurul Khairaat Koran Recital
Council.

In Poso itself, there are also a number of "Christian forces",
including the Tibo-led Bat Force, Christ Paramilitary Troops
(Laskar Kristus) and Butterfly Force.

In a bid to stop the conflict, the then Coordinating Minister
for People's Welfare Jusuf Kalla and Coordinating Minister for
Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono,
initiated a peace pact in Malino, South Sulawesi province on Dec.
20, 2001.

The government brokered peace pact has largely succeeded in
reducing the conflict in Poso despite occasional disruptions.

Mysterious attacks continue to this day. Security personnel
have succeeded in either stopping or arresting the perpetrators.

While covert groups continue to wreak sporadic mayhem,
residents of Poso and Palu themselves have largely restrained
themselves and prevented an escalation of the violence.

A recent string of attacks that targeted both Muslims and
Christians has not erupted into widespread violence as it did in
1998 and 2000.

Residents have remained stoic in the face of hideous tragedies
over the past few months which included the beheading of a
Pinedapa subdistrict chief, a bomb explosion one day before Idul
Fitri and last week's church attack that left five people
injured.

Residents are coming to a unanimous conclusion that the
perpetrators behind the attacks were intentionally trying to
stoke mass conflict.

The question everybody asks is who is actually behind these
attacks?

While it is difficult to specifically identify them,
perpetrators can be categorized into three groups based on their
motives.

The first is the ideological group, consisting of Muslim and
Christian fanatics who continue to stoke rivalry based on
misplaced religious loyalty.

The second group is a floating mass. They are individuals
trying to steer chaos for personal profit. One case in point was
the murder of Carminalis Ndele, the chief of Pinedapa
subdistrict.

It is strongly believed that he was murdered because he had
information concerning corruption of the Poso refugee funds.

Carminalis, a Christian, was decapitated and his head thrown
into the Muslim area while his body left in the Christian area.
This was done to give the impression that his murder was
religiously motivated.

The third group is the so-called victims group who harbor deep
hatred and seek vengeance for the death of their loved ones. They
saw their families beheaded, hanged and tortured. Now they are
seeking revenge. Spurred by hatred, in many ways this group is
potentially the most violent and dangerous.

"I think they have a list of their family members' suspected
murderers and are waiting for an opportunity to take revenge,"
said Tarmidi Lasahido, a peace activist and sociologist from
Palu's Tadulako University.

The third group has apparently expanded its operations to
Palu, allegedly evident in the murder of prosecutor Ferry
Silalahi, who sought stiff sentences for religious hard-liners.

Once again police seem slow to react to these dangers.

Ichsan Malik, a peace activist, has openly questioned why
police seem bereft of intelligence which could help such
assassinations.

Syamsul Alam Agus, a presidium member of Central Sulawesi's
Human Rights and Law Study Development, added that the continued
inability of police to contain the violence has only fueled
suspicion of the covert involvement of certain members of the
security force in the conflict.