Who's behind the Poso, Palu violence this time?

Ruslan Sangadji and A'an Suryana, The Jakarta Post, Palu/Jakarta

After a brief period of relative peace, a series of significant incidents have again jolted the Central Sulawesi regency of Poso.

Are these incidents a precursor to a wider escalation of conflict or they isolated incidents? The answer may be a little bit of yes on both accounts.

Once a resort town, Poso -- some 250 kilometers east of the provincial capital Palu -- was known for its landscape, beautiful scenery and rich, diverse culture. It became a haven which attracted the haves of the province as a weekend getaway.

But prolonged sectarian conflict and a string of mysterious fatal attacks has turned Poso into a killing field.

The conflict in Poso and Palu is believed to be rooted in the conflict that erupted between 1998 and 1999. The first incident in 1998 erupted after a drunk Christian attacked a Muslim. The conflict did not escalate as local religious figures and police personnel quickly calmed the situation.

It was concluded that the violence was caused by the rampant sale of alcoholic drinks in the city. Following the meeting, hard-line religious groups began to make random checks at amusement places and shops, often destroying alcoholic drinks whenever found.

Another major upheaval in the city happened at the end of 1999, when a Muslim youth claimed to have been attacked by a Christian at Lombogia Bus Terminal. The youth was seen with his hands smeared in blood. This inflamed the fragile atmosphere and it was not long before several churches in Lombogia subdistrict were burned.

As a result, thousands of Christian residents took refuge to the predominantly Christian district of North Pamona, some 75 kilometers south of Poso.

A major incident again flared in April 2000. It started when three Christian leaders -- Fabianus Tibo, Dominggus Da Silva and Marinus Riwu -- descended on Poso town to rescue a handful of students trapped in a Catholic dormitory. The students claimed to have been threatened by Poso Muslim groups. The three "Christian youth leaders" marched in with dozens of armed followers, known as Bat Paramilitary Troops. Their presence sparked a new episode of violence in Poso.

Karman Karim, a lawyer and head of the Muslim Victims Evacuation Team, said the killing was done in a vicious manner. The remains were rarely found intact. Some were decapitated, others were missing limbs. Corpses, both Muslims and Christians, were found abandoned in wells, swampy areas and houses.

Some claim the death toll was as high as 2,000, but a more conservative estimate by the government put it at 577. The conflict in 2000 also caused tremendous material losses with 83 places of worship damaged and nearly 8,000 burned.

By the end of 2000, it was reported that the Java-based hard- line group Laskar Jihad Ahlussunah Wal Jamaah, led by Ja'far Umar Thalib, began entering Poso with heavily armed volunteers.

Local authorities were informed of their arrival but apparently did little to stop them. The presence of the group boosted the clout of the local Nurul Khairaat Koran Recital Council.

In Poso itself, there are also a number of "Christian forces", including the Tibo-led Bat Force, Christ Paramilitary Troops (Laskar Kristus) and Butterfly Force.

In a bid to stop the conflict, the then Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Jusuf Kalla and Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, initiated a peace pact in Malino, South Sulawesi province on Dec. 20, 2001.

The government brokered peace pact has largely succeeded in reducing the conflict in Poso despite occasional disruptions.

Mysterious attacks continue to this day. Security personnel have succeeded in either stopping or arresting the perpetrators.

While covert groups continue to wreak sporadic mayhem, residents of Poso and Palu themselves have largely restrained themselves and prevented an escalation of the violence.

A recent string of attacks that targeted both Muslims and Christians has not erupted into widespread violence as it did in 1998 and 2000.

Residents have remained stoic in the face of hideous tragedies over the past few months which included the beheading of a Pinedapa subdistrict chief, a bomb explosion one day before Idul Fitri and last week's church attack that left five people injured.

Residents are coming to a unanimous conclusion that the perpetrators behind the attacks were intentionally trying to stoke mass conflict.

The question everybody asks is who is actually behind these attacks?

While it is difficult to specifically identify them, perpetrators can be categorized into three groups based on their motives.

The first is the ideological group, consisting of Muslim and Christian fanatics who continue to stoke rivalry based on misplaced religious loyalty.

The second group is a floating mass. They are individuals trying to steer chaos for personal profit. One case in point was the murder of Carminalis Ndele, the chief of Pinedapa subdistrict.

It is strongly believed that he was murdered because he had information concerning corruption of the Poso refugee funds.

Carminalis, a Christian, was decapitated and his head thrown into the Muslim area while his body left in the Christian area. This was done to give the impression that his murder was religiously motivated.

The third group is the so-called victims group who harbor deep hatred and seek vengeance for the death of their loved ones. They saw their families beheaded, hanged and tortured. Now they are seeking revenge. Spurred by hatred, in many ways this group is potentially the most violent and dangerous.

"I think they have a list of their family members' suspected murderers and are waiting for an opportunity to take revenge," said Tarmidi Lasahido, a peace activist and sociologist from Palu's Tadulako University.

The third group has apparently expanded its operations to Palu, allegedly evident in the murder of prosecutor Ferry Silalahi, who sought stiff sentences for religious hard-liners.

Once again police seem slow to react to these dangers.

Ichsan Malik, a peace activist, has openly questioned why police seem bereft of intelligence which could help such assassinations.

Syamsul Alam Agus, a presidium member of Central Sulawesi's Human Rights and Law Study Development, added that the continued inability of police to contain the violence has only fueled suspicion of the covert involvement of certain members of the security force in the conflict.