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Who, and what, is the Free Aceh Movement?

| Source: JP

Who, and what, is the Free Aceh Movement?

Aguswandi, Post Graduate Student, International Politics, London Metropolitan University

One of the biggest military operations in the post-New Order era in Indonesia has been launched by Jakarta. Some might argue that this is one of the biggest operations in Indonesian history, equaled only by the annexation of East Timor in 1975. A vast number of Indonesian Army personnel are involved. Billions of rupiah will be spent to put on this tragic show.

This massive mobilization is to eliminate the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) separatist group. It has been suggested that GAM should be classified as a terrorist organization. What and who really is GAM?

Opponents of the military operation argue that there are two kinds of GAM in Aceh: one radical, one moderate. They argue that the operation would not distinguish between moderate and radical elements of GAM. The operation will be indiscriminate and consequently would be counterproductive to stabilizing the situation.

There has been a radical change in GAM since this organization was founded by Hasan di Tiro in 1979. This difference is not only one of numbers, which have increased from the hundreds to several thousand, but also of the form that GAM has taken due to the result of the ongoing conflict in Aceh; specifically, it is a consequence of Jakarta's policy toward Aceh.

GAM in its present form can be divided into four groups regarding their motivation in joining the movement.

The first element of GAM is political, and comprises the first generation of the movement. These are people who believe that Aceh has never historically been part of Indonesia. They claim there was an illegal transfer of sovereignty from the Dutch to Sukarno's government. Those involved in this element have for the most part been involved in the campaign for independence for over 25 years, and have good educational background.

According to researcher Geoffrey Robinson, they are a collection of intellectuals, local bureaucrats, deserters from the police and military, and local businessmen. Although some are leaders of GAM soldiers, they mostly occupy the political wing of GAM.

Interestingly, those involved in the political wing of GAM are respected by locals because of their commitment, devotion and simple way of life. An excellent example is Abdullah Syafei, who was killed two years ago.

A second and very important element of GAM includes victims of human rights violations. These now form the majority of GAM's "comrades". Most are relatives of victims from the military operation zone (DOM) period from 1989 to 1998. This operation of hunting GAM members caused a high incidence of violations of human rights in Aceh.

During the DOM era there were massive extrajudicial killings, disappearances and other violations, leaving thousands of victims who in the post-DOM era have been demanding justice. With no serious response to their demands, they have looked for another path to justice -- often through joining GAM. Their primary reason for joining the movement is not their political beliefs, but rather a desire for justice or revenge.

The third element of GAM is those joining for economic reasons. They have no strong political understanding of the movement; they are only interested in exploiting the conflict by allying themselves with one party. Interestingly, some of them maintain relations with the Indonesian Military. In some sense, Indonesian soldiers and police are their business partners. However, they are a minority in GAM at present.

The fourth and final element is those who join because the situation forces them to choose to become a member of one of the conflicting parties. At times throughout the military operations in Aceh, all people opposing the central government have been classified as GAM. This includes civilians peacefully protesting against central government policies in Aceh. Many chose to join GAM despite knowing that anyone labeled as a GAM member would be in danger of arrest or extrajudicial killing.

However, this new formation is not static. It depends on the dynamics of the conflict in Aceh, and especially on how the state responds in solving the conflict. For example, the ongoing conflict in Aceh creates economic dependency. This might well lead to an increase in the economic element of GAM.

It is therefore obvious that the present military operation will not be able to solve the problem. The only way to deal with the first element, those who really believe that Aceh should be independent, is to continue a fair and open-minded dialog.

Killing everyone in Aceh who has different political views from the central government will only perpetuate the problem. Jakarta must be willing to compete with these different political ideas by coming up with a better idea about Aceh's future.

As for the second element, the victims of previous human rights violations, it is certainly unfair to declare war on them. Ensuring meaningful justice for them would be the only way to prevent them from seeking justice by other means.

The solution for the third element would be economic recovery in Aceh. People tend to do business legally if there is a possibility to do so, rather than choosing to join the conflicting parties in Aceh, doing business illegally, and even exploiting the conflict for their own benefit.

As for the fourth element, the only answer is to create a peaceful environment in Aceh so that they are not forced to join any of the conflicting parties.

So with all the above options, what is this military mobilization for?

The writer is an Acehnese human rights activist.

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