Whither our democracy

The announcement of the provisional list of government- approved House of Representatives candidates marks the halfway point in the run-up to Indonesia's sixth general election. Golkar, the United Development Party (PPP) and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) are fielding a total of 2,303 candidates to contest the 425 House seats at stake on May 29. However, going through Golkar's 829 candidates, one can't help but feel that something is amiss.

At first glance, the big names on Golkar's list may look impressive, but they also reinforce the impression that nepotism prevails in Golkar and the way it selects its candidates. One or two blood relatives of high-ranking officials might have been acceptable if they had been selected on merit. But the list only raises the question of whether Golkar is serious in trying to encourage democracy and a healthy political system. Given that Golkar is expected to score another landslide victory in May, the impact of their selection goes beyond the walls of Golkar headquarters.

The list could give the impression that Golkar is becoming an even more elite circle. Golkar is fielding all but one of the members in the present cabinet. It is fielding the wives of some ministers and senior military officers. Many of its candidates for the regions are residents of Jakarta. Some business leaders and two prominent figures from the entertainment world also have been added to the list for good measure.

Does this method of selection guarantee politicians of true caliber? More and more slots in the upper levels of Golkar are being allotted to people by virtue of proximity -- through blood, money or place of residence. Most have not gone through the grueling tests that truly great politicians must endure. Gone are the days when a political career meant working from the bottom up.

Another downside of this strategy is that it misleads the electorate. None of the big names will take up seats in the House. Under the current proportional representation system, they are being deployed as vote-getters for Golkar and for its campaigning purposes. Once the election is over, most will step aside and make way for lesser known names to move into the House. They will be rewarded with seats in the People's Consultative Assembly, which gathers once every five years to elect the president. The Assembly is next scheduled to convene in March 1998.

With the House and the Assembly in its grip, it is hard to believe that we will see the political and economic changes needed to meet the challenges of globalization and heightened competition. The Golkar representatives, by virtue of their background and interests, are likely to maintain the status quo.

The Golkar selection process virtually closes off the avenues through which people can channel their aspirations. This is happening just when the pressures for change are growing, and could mean even more frustration and discontent. As we have seen in the past, an absence of proper channels can degenerate into expressions of violence.

Another aspect that the authorities have not dealt with is the fate of the PDI camp under Megawati Soekarnoputri. Judging by reactions from around the country in recent months, she still commands a following. Sidelining Megawati and her supporters in favor of the board headed by Soerjadi is simply postponing the time when they will have to deal with the matter. The danger of this approach, of course, is that come election time, Megawati's supporters could find their own way of venting their frustration.