Whither our democracy

Whither our democracy

The announcement of the provisional list of government-
approved House of Representatives candidates marks the halfway
point in the run-up to Indonesia's sixth general election.
Golkar, the United Development Party (PPP) and the Indonesian
Democratic Party (PDI) are fielding a total of 2,303 candidates
to contest the 425 House seats at stake on May 29. However, going
through Golkar's 829 candidates, one can't help but feel that
something is amiss.

At first glance, the big names on Golkar's list may look
impressive, but they also reinforce the impression that nepotism
prevails in Golkar and the way it selects its candidates. One or
two blood relatives of high-ranking officials might have been
acceptable if they had been selected on merit. But the list only
raises the question of whether Golkar is serious in trying to
encourage democracy and a healthy political system. Given that
Golkar is expected to score another landslide victory in May, the
impact of their selection goes beyond the walls of Golkar
headquarters.

The list could give the impression that Golkar is becoming an
even more elite circle. Golkar is fielding all but one of the
members in the present cabinet. It is fielding the wives of some
ministers and senior military officers. Many of its candidates
for the regions are residents of Jakarta. Some business leaders
and two prominent figures from the entertainment world also have
been added to the list for good measure.

Does this method of selection guarantee politicians of true
caliber? More and more slots in the upper levels of Golkar are
being allotted to people by virtue of proximity -- through blood,
money or place of residence. Most have not gone through the
grueling tests that truly great politicians must endure. Gone are
the days when a political career meant working from the bottom
up.

Another downside of this strategy is that it misleads the
electorate. None of the big names will take up seats in the
House. Under the current proportional representation system, they
are being deployed as vote-getters for Golkar and for its
campaigning purposes. Once the election is over, most will step
aside and make way for lesser known names to move into the House.
They will be rewarded with seats in the People's Consultative
Assembly, which gathers once every five years to elect the
president. The Assembly is next scheduled to convene in March
1998.

With the House and the Assembly in its grip, it is hard to
believe that we will see the political and economic changes
needed to meet the challenges of globalization and heightened
competition. The Golkar representatives, by virtue of their
background and interests, are likely to maintain the status quo.

The Golkar selection process virtually closes off the avenues
through which people can channel their aspirations. This is
happening just when the pressures for change are growing, and
could mean even more frustration and discontent. As we have seen
in the past, an absence of proper channels can degenerate into
expressions of violence.

Another aspect that the authorities have not dealt with is the
fate of the PDI camp under Megawati Soekarnoputri. Judging by
reactions from around the country in recent months, she still
commands a following. Sidelining Megawati and her supporters in
favor of the board headed by Soerjadi is simply postponing the
time when they will have to deal with the matter. The danger of
this approach, of course, is that come election time, Megawati's
supporters could find their own way of venting their frustration.