Where Megawati's loyalties lie

By Lesley McCulloch

TASMANIA, Australia (JP): It was with quiet amazement and some amusement that I read Focusing on reform process of TNI (The Jakarta Post July 18). While acknowledging the author, Philippe Raggi's desire to understand the nuances of the political- military relationship in Indonesia today, I must suggest that his analysis is wide off the mark.

Yes, it is true that a process of reform has begun. It is also true that there are various obstacles to this reform process. These indeed include both the military's budget and economic interests. There are also other obstacles to reform, such as the personalities themselves. There are hardliners who would like to see the reform process stalled. In some ways these people offer less of an obstacle to real reform in the long run. Their anti- reform agenda is visible, and they belong on the whole to the old school, and will become less influential as time passes.

The real obstacles to reform come in the form of, for example, those mentioned by Raggi -- Lt. Gen. Kiki Syahnakri, Lt. Gen. Agus Widjojo and Gen. Endriartono Sutarto. All three (and others like them), have become very good at speaking the language of reform. Widjojo and Endriartono in particular have become very impressive speakers. Of course, it is true that they are indeed pro-reformers. But, we must be aware that the reform process they support is one where they set both the agenda and the timetable. In this way their own interests and those upon whose support they depend will be protected.

To suggest that the "real will of TNI is to disengage itself from politics" is only partly true. Such skepticism is justified by the support given to the new President Megawati Soekarnoputri during the process to impeach Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) by the military and police. And of significance, the support she attracted by the hardliners among them.

On Monday, in the closing stages of this impeachment process, Gus Dur moved to shut down the top legislative body and called for an early election. In rapid response, armed forces chief Adm. Widodo Adisucipto accompanied by the chiefs of the army, navy and airforce, stated that the armed forces opposed the move and would not implement it. The military is an instrument of the state. Given that the former head of state was constitutionally elected -- albeit embattled -- one may be forgiven for thinking that the military were indeed involving themselves in a highly political process. The process which ousted Gus Dur should have been allowed to run its constitutional -- albeit vague and chaotic -- course, without the interference from the armed forces.

The military in politics is about more than how many seats it holds in the People's Consultative Assembly and the House of Representatives, and for how long they will hold onto these seats. This is merely a distraction. It is at the informal level that the TNI plays it's real political game. And with Megawati in power, their line of influence to the center is more direct and much strengthened -- hence their support.

Furthermore, while it may be true that the official defense budget is low, this is a political -- not an economic -- argument for the military's continuing economic interests. It makes no economic sense at the organizational level for the military to be in business. But, it does make sense at the individual level. Much of the profits made by the official businesses never reach the foundations to provide welfare for the troops. It is siphoned off to provide off-salary incomes to serving (and some retired) personnel.

Moreover, to view the TNI's abstention at the second motion of censure as an outward sign of their desire to abstain from politics illustrates a lack of understanding of the military- politics dynamics. This abstention must be understood in the context of back-room deals in the corridors of power.

For example, note the former President's agreement in the wake of this incident to increase the number of troops to be deployed to Aceh and the official sanctioning of the pursuit of a security solution to the terrible problems in the province. This period -- immediately after the censure motion -- saw the end of attempts at a political solution.

The situation in Aceh has gone from bad to worse. The most recent show of contempt by the security forces to any attempts at a peaceful solution is the arrest and alleged beating of several Acehnese negotiators last week.

In conclusion, while Raggi may have been motivated by the best of intentions, he has been distracted from the real drama being played out before us. His analysis serves the interests of the TNI very well. It gives legitimacy where none exists. The three personalities he mentioned -- Syahnakri, Agus Widjojo and Endriartono Sutarto are indeed prominent figures in the security apparatus who -- are reportedly arming militias in West Papua, their members raping, torturing and killing innocent civilians in Aceh and other places around the archipelago. In addition, the military is plundering the forests of Kalimantan and the economic interests are depriving Indonesia of much-needed resources and of a military which is truly professional.

Some final comments are necessary about the new presidency of Megawati. While holding the legitimacy of a constitutional transfer of power, she alone stands as perhaps the major obstacle to reform.

Megawati has already made it quite clear with whom her loyalties lie. It is not with the pro-democracy reformers, the student and youth movements, and others who would like to see reformasi re-energized and a priority on the political map. It is with the political elite who will form her power base, and it is with the military and police who have successfully resisted real reform.

In Megawati we see a President who has made no secret of her more often than necessary meetings with both serving and retired military generals. Neither has she made any secret of her desire to restore order around the archipelago.

The drama unfolding before us in Jakarta is a diversion. On the periphery, for example in Aceh and in West Papua, the instruments of the state -- the military and police -- instill terror into the lives of innocent civilians. Today, the military and police elite are posed -- one again -- to rule the Republic by default via a compliant figurehead in the new President Megawati.

The writer is a researcher based at the University of Tasmania, Australia.