Where does TNI stand?

Where does TNI stand?

In today's changing Indonesian society, the military (TNI)
often appears to be standing between two worlds. Many people
still oppose the military's dual function in which it is given
unwarranted power with its unelected seats in the House of
Representatives. In the future People's Consultative Assembly
(MPR), the country's highest constitutional body, it will be
allocated 38 seats.

On the other hand, in crucial circumstances like the MPR's
Special Session, scheduled for November and during which a
president will be elected, military votes will have both decisive
and controversial meanings because facing off will be incumbent
President B. J. Habibie of the Golkar Party and his challenger,
Megawati Soekarnoputri, chairwoman of the triumphant Indonesian
Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan).

Although the exact power garnered by each candidate will not
be known before the final results of the June 7 general election
are announced later this week, some acceptable calculations
indicate that neither candidate will be strong enough to fight
alone. They will need support from other factions in the MPR.

Besides two other major political parties, members of the MPR
will include 135 regional representatives, 65 representatives of
professional groups, the military faction and, last but not
least, the Indonesian Mandate Party (PAN), the smallest among the
five leading political factions. Although it is predicted that
PAN will have only about 40 seats -- like the military -- its
role in the absence of an absolute majority will also be crucial.
This is not to mention the possibility of desertions by many
faction members who have personal views of certain candidates.

So, the show promises to be highly controversial -- especially
for the military -- because Habibie is perceived by the people to
represent the ugliness of the fallen corrupt regime of president
Soeharto, while Megawati is a leader of a party which is emerging
as the biggest winner of a democratic poll.

Some short-sighted generals might believe that voting for
Habibie will strengthen the military's position in facing the
next century, but they need to reconsider this train of thought
because most people will consider the military's vote for Habibie
an utter humiliation of the country's first taste of democracy in
decades and a blatant effort to preserve the status quo.

Moreover, many people predict the reelection of Habibie will
provoke student demonstrations and bloody protests by fanatic
followers of Megawati. If this happens, the military will only
find itself in a poor position because it lacks the capability to
quench such a revolt.

Many people may look at this dilemma as merely a matter of
voting or not. Some political observers have called on the
military to remain neutral in the presidential election -- a
stance it took during the general election -- because they
believe it would be beneficial for the future of the military
itself.

But the problem is that inaction does not mean neutrality,
especially in a serious crisis. Should the military remain
neutral in the case of the election leading to a deadlock, the
question is: will the military remain inactive if a deadlock
leads to the country having no president?

Under such circumstances perhaps the military would decide to
back Megawati, which, judging by preliminary election results,
would be in keeping with most people's aspirations and would be a
move toward upholding democracy. Also, Megawati's party is, by
and large, closer to the military's concepts on many issues than
other political entities, especially its concept on political
reform which is not so assertive, if not orthodox.

PDI Perjuangan has declared that it will oppose any efforts to
amend the Constitution, will take Soeharto to court on corruption
charges and will be tolerant of the military's dual function.