What NU means for Indonesia's future

By Jusuf Wanandi

JAKARTA (JP): Established in 1926 as an effort to reconcile Islam and Indonesian tradition and culture, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) has come full circle in 1999. On the one hand, it has remained a socioreligious organization with the aim to enhance Islamic principles and values in Indonesian society, as well as creating a civil society in the real sense of being democratic and pluralistic. On the other hand, it has founded a political party to maintain, protect and enhance NU's ideals and objectives.

NU's political party, the National Awakening Party (PKB), is thus an instrument of NU's strategy and at the same time an independent tool to achieve democracy and to recognize plurality in Indonesian politics. That is why PKB is not based on Islam, but has NU's scholars (ulamas and kiais) participating fully. NU will remain within its qitah (pledge) of 1926 to stay as a socioreligious organization, while PKB participates in politics in accordance with NU's ideals and thoughts on state and religion. This is, of course, vintage Abdurrahman Wahid, who is better known as Gus Dur, and therefore PKB cannot be separated from him.

There are other splinter parties from among NU followers, but they cannot be considered as Gus Dur's creation. These parties do not seem to support Gus Dur's very open and democratic thinking of Islam and its role in Indonesian society. In contrast to these other parties, only PKB cannot be separated from NU and from Gus Dur personally and his thoughts. It will not be surprising if PKB nominates Gus Dur as its candidate for the presidency if he is willing to accept it.

PKB chairman Matori Abdul Djalil is right in recognizing Gus Dur's role and position in PKB. Not only is he critical for grassroots support of the Indonesian populace for NU, but also his reach and recognition among nationalists and minorities is important for PKB's support nationally.

Gus Dur has become the main figure among many Muslim leaders, a fact which has given a sense of security to the minorities, especially Christians and Chinese-Indonesians, for Indonesia's future political development because of his broad-minded ideas about Islam, nationalism and democracy in Indonesia, including the existence, recognition and role of those minorities. Of course, there are others in NU and Muhammadiyah, especially the younger generation of Muslim thinkers and leaders, that have adopted Gus Dur's concept of democracy based on plurality.

PKB's influence, especially among rural and grassroots Indonesians, appears to be on par with Megawati Soekarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan). This is not only in East and Central Java but may as well be the case in many outer islands since, due to transmigration, NU members and followers have spread across the archipelago.

In the meantime, it has to be recognized that the core support for NU has remained strong between the first general election in 1955 (it placed third with 17 percent of the vote), to the first elections under the Soeharto regime held in 1971, when 10 political parties were competing. In the latter, NU as a party was second with 18.3 percent of the votes, following Golkar's 62 percent. It was quite a remarkable result, especially if it is taken into consideration that all the might of the military was given to Golkar.

The PKB leadership, particularly Matori Abdul Djalil, has shown an ability to rally its grassroots support since its inception in July 1998 until today and has an excellent plan for its campaign, both in the field and through the media. PKB could win enough votes to become one of the big three parties in June 7 polls and, as has been agreed upon together with PDI Perjuangan and the National Mandate Party (PAN), will form a coalition government. Despite difficulties but for the survival of the nation, it would not be impossible for public opinion to pressure them to form an effective government.

At the working and local levels, the three parties are already cooperating with each other. Matori Abdul Djalil is an old party stalwart of NU, and has been a leading figure before in the United Development Party (PPP). He is not only a hard working leader with "fire in the belly" but also trustful and consistent in his ideas and practices.

His ideas, and PKB's, are formed partly by NU and Gus Dur, but he has always had the ability to present them in a popular way. As other reformist leaders, he and PKB still have some way to go in working out their economic concept, although the country does not have many options due to the dependency on the international markets and global economy as well as the crisis. He has stated his belief in a market based on open economy that acknowledges the important role of foreign investment.

He also believes in the constructive role Chinese-Indonesians can play in the rehabilitation of the economy, due to their expertise, experience and track record in business. But the other fields of life should be opened to them as they are to other Indonesians.

He also thought that small enterprises and the small people should have an equally important role in national development. For the purpose, ways and means should be found and developed without penalizing the development and growth of the national economy. He thinks that East Timor is a special case, where a referendum should be held after a period of transition, and that the granting of full autonomy is no more adequate. But dumping East Timor without any preparation, as the Habibie government is doing, is irresponsible and will create even more strife and conflicts. For other parts of Indonesia, full autonomy is a good start and, if implemented rightly, could restrain the centripetal tendencies in regional body politics.

PKB's leadership has already established a coalition with other reformist parties to form a new government, particularly with PDI Perjuangan and PAN. It rejects the idea of joining together with Golkar in a coalition, which he considers a status quo party that is also responsible for the excesses and corruption of the Soeharto regime.

On foreign policy, Matori stresses the need to be part of the international community in the process of globalization. For this to be achieved, a Southeast Asian community through ASEAN and good neighborhood policy are of critical importance.

In conclusion, it could be said that PKB is a middle-of-the- road party, with strong support from Gus Dur and NU, while reaching out to nationalist and minorities. Thus, broad-based support from a rainbow coalition is a real possibility. This is an example par excellence that in a democracy, Islam-based parties or Islam-influenced parties like the PKB could be a strong and positive support for a stable and secure as well as a just Indonesian society in the future.

The writer is chairman of the Supervisory Board of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies.