What NU means for Indonesia's future

What NU means for Indonesia's future

By Jusuf Wanandi

JAKARTA (JP): Established in 1926 as an effort to reconcile
Islam and Indonesian tradition and culture, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)
has come full circle in 1999. On the one hand, it has remained a
socioreligious organization with the aim to enhance Islamic
principles and values in Indonesian society, as well as creating
a civil society in the real sense of being democratic and
pluralistic. On the other hand, it has founded a political party
to maintain, protect and enhance NU's ideals and objectives.

NU's political party, the National Awakening Party (PKB), is
thus an instrument of NU's strategy and at the same time an
independent tool to achieve democracy and to recognize plurality
in Indonesian politics. That is why PKB is not based on Islam,
but has NU's scholars (ulamas and kiais) participating fully. NU
will remain within its qitah (pledge) of 1926 to stay as a
socioreligious organization, while PKB participates in politics
in accordance with NU's ideals and thoughts on state and
religion. This is, of course, vintage Abdurrahman Wahid, who is
better known as Gus Dur, and therefore PKB cannot be separated
from him.

There are other splinter parties from among NU followers, but
they cannot be considered as Gus Dur's creation. These parties do
not seem to support Gus Dur's very open and democratic thinking
of Islam and its role in Indonesian society. In contrast to these
other parties, only PKB cannot be separated from NU and from Gus
Dur personally and his thoughts. It will not be surprising if PKB
nominates Gus Dur as its candidate for the presidency if he is
willing to accept it.

PKB chairman Matori Abdul Djalil is right in recognizing Gus
Dur's role and position in PKB. Not only is he critical for
grassroots support of the Indonesian populace for NU, but also
his reach and recognition among nationalists and minorities is
important for PKB's support nationally.

Gus Dur has become the main figure among many Muslim leaders,
a fact which has given a sense of security to the minorities,
especially Christians and Chinese-Indonesians, for Indonesia's
future political development because of his broad-minded ideas
about Islam, nationalism and democracy in Indonesia, including
the existence, recognition and role of those minorities. Of
course, there are others in NU and Muhammadiyah, especially the
younger generation of Muslim thinkers and leaders, that have
adopted Gus Dur's concept of democracy based on plurality.

PKB's influence, especially among rural and grassroots
Indonesians, appears to be on par with Megawati Soekarnoputri's
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan). This is
not only in East and Central Java but may as well be the case in
many outer islands since, due to transmigration, NU members and
followers have spread across the archipelago.

In the meantime, it has to be recognized that the core support
for NU has remained strong between the first general election in
1955 (it placed third with 17 percent of the vote), to the first
elections under the Soeharto regime held in 1971, when 10
political parties were competing. In the latter, NU as a party
was second with 18.3 percent of the votes, following Golkar's 62
percent. It was quite a remarkable result, especially if it is
taken into consideration that all the might of the military was
given to Golkar.

The PKB leadership, particularly Matori Abdul Djalil, has
shown an ability to rally its grassroots support since its
inception in July 1998 until today and has an excellent plan for
its campaign, both in the field and through the media. PKB could
win enough votes to become one of the big three parties in June 7
polls and, as has been agreed upon together with PDI Perjuangan
and the National Mandate Party (PAN), will form a coalition
government. Despite difficulties but for the survival of the
nation, it would not be impossible for public opinion to pressure
them to form an effective government.

At the working and local levels, the three parties are already
cooperating with each other. Matori Abdul Djalil is an old party
stalwart of NU, and has been a leading figure before in the
United Development Party (PPP). He is not only a hard working
leader with "fire in the belly" but also trustful and consistent
in his ideas and practices.

His ideas, and PKB's, are formed partly by NU and Gus Dur, but
he has always had the ability to present them in a popular way.
As other reformist leaders, he and PKB still have some way to go
in working out their economic concept, although the country does
not have many options due to the dependency on the international
markets and global economy as well as the crisis. He has stated
his belief in a market based on open economy that acknowledges
the important role of foreign investment.

He also believes in the constructive role Chinese-Indonesians
can play in the rehabilitation of the economy, due to their
expertise, experience and track record in business. But the other
fields of life should be opened to them as they are to other
Indonesians.

He also thought that small enterprises and the small people
should have an equally important role in national development.
For the purpose, ways and means should be found and developed
without penalizing the development and growth of the national
economy. He thinks that East Timor is a special case, where a
referendum should be held after a period of transition, and that
the granting of full autonomy is no more adequate. But dumping
East Timor without any preparation, as the Habibie government is
doing, is irresponsible and will create even more strife and
conflicts. For other parts of Indonesia, full autonomy is a good
start and, if implemented rightly, could restrain the centripetal
tendencies in regional body politics.

PKB's leadership has already established a coalition with
other reformist parties to form a new government, particularly
with PDI Perjuangan and PAN. It rejects the idea of joining
together with Golkar in a coalition, which he considers a status
quo party that is also responsible for the excesses and
corruption of the Soeharto regime.

On foreign policy, Matori stresses the need to be part of the
international community in the process of globalization. For this
to be achieved, a Southeast Asian community through ASEAN and
good neighborhood policy are of critical importance.

In conclusion, it could be said that PKB is a middle-of-the-
road party, with strong support from Gus Dur and NU, while
reaching out to nationalist and minorities. Thus, broad-based
support from a rainbow coalition is a real possibility. This is
an example par excellence that in a democracy, Islam-based
parties or Islam-influenced parties like the PKB could be a
strong and positive support for a stable and secure as well as a
just Indonesian society in the future.

The writer is chairman of the Supervisory Board of the Centre
for Strategic and International Studies.