What Golkar Party has to lose with Habibie

By Aleksius Jemadu

BANDUNG (JP): There is a remarkable difference between former president Soeharto and B.J. Habibie in the way they deal with their critics. Soeharto used to suppress his critics or send them to jail without proper legal process. Habibie, being a leader in the era of reform, smiles and tells his critics to say anything they want, but does nothing to acknowledge the criticisms.

When Golkar recently announced Habibie as its candidate for the next president, all of a sudden, reform-oriented political parties -- the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the National Mandate Party (PAN), later followed by the United Development Party (PPP) and the Justice Party -- joined forces to challenge Golkar's ambition.

Why has there been such a spontaneous and strong reaction against Golkar and Habibie? Obviously, from a constitutional point of view, there is nothing wrong with Golkar nominating Habibie for the next president. Like other political parties, Golkar has the right to do so. The question is, if Habibie is elected, what will be the prospects of the student-initiated democratic reforms?

Leaders of reform-oriented political parties argue that Habibie represents the continuation of the New Order regime. As such, he is a supporter of the status quo. With the support of Golkar, he symbolizes the efforts of the old government to stay in power and escape the political and legal responsibilities to the people.

Like many other Golkar figures, Habibie is a byproduct of the New Order regime. Had it been otherwise, Soeharto would not have chosen him as his successor in May 1998. It is no wonder that Habibie has seemed, at best, reluctant to bring Soeharto and his cronies to court.

It is true that Habibie and other Golkar leaders have recently joined the public in supporting reform. Some of them who were once beneficiaries of Soeharto's corrupt regime are even actively condemning their former leader. However, their apparent support of political reform is not the result of changes to their basic political characters.

They are newly converted reformists, who support reform because of external imperatives. They are basically situational democrats. Such politicians won't allow sustained democracy.

Let us now look at the more genuine proponents of total reform. They are Megawati Soekarnoputri, Abdurrahman Wahid, Amien Rais, Sri Bintang Pamungkas and Mochtar Pakpahan, just to name a few. Why is their struggle for total reform more sustainable and credible in people's eyes? Because they know and have experienced themselves the bitterness of being oppressed by an authoritarian political regime. They were victims of Soeharto's machine of repression. Some of them, like Sri Bintang Pamungkas and Mochtar Pakpahan, were even jailed with a fair and honest trial. The Indonesian people have good reason to put their trust in these patriots.

Would they use the same undemocratic means to deal with their opponents and critics once they are in power? By common sense, it is very unlikely.

It is now clear that public resistance against Habibie's presidential nomination by Golkar has nothing to do with a denial of his political right as a citizen. What many are against is the old political tradition and attitude he would likely represent. Indonesia's biggest problem in this era of transition is the "double-mindedness" of its national leadership. A double-minded leader cannot be expected to work out a comprehensive solution to the nation's big problems, such as the elimination of KKN (corruption, collusion, and nepotism) within the bureaucracy, international distrust, human rights violations, national disintegration and communal violence.

Fear of communal violence, mass riots, bomb explosions and national disintegration is rising because a double-minded national leader fails to provide an effective leadership throughout the regions. Needless to say, such fear has caused the Indonesian people a very high cost.

Rumors of riots in big cities are always followed by a significant increase of the price of basic commodities. Some people have to flee the country, leaving behind their jobs and businesses. Schools and universities have to shorten their semesters with the risk of compromising academic standards and public accountability.

Indonesia does need a new leader. He or she must be a person of conviction with a strong determination to lead this nation into a bright and democratic future. But then again such leadership has to be a byproduct of an honest and fair general election. Therefore, fellow citizens, we are all responsible for making this dream come true in the coming elections.

The writer is a lecturer in the Department of International Relations at the Parahyangan Catholic University in Bandung. His e-mail address is: aleks@home.unpar.ac.id