What Golkar Party has to lose with Habibie

What Golkar Party has to lose with Habibie

By Aleksius Jemadu

BANDUNG (JP): There is a remarkable difference between former
president Soeharto and B.J. Habibie in the way they deal with
their critics. Soeharto used to suppress his critics or send them
to jail without proper legal process. Habibie, being a leader in
the era of reform, smiles and tells his critics to say anything
they want, but does nothing to acknowledge the criticisms.

When Golkar recently announced Habibie as its candidate for
the next president, all of a sudden, reform-oriented political
parties -- the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI
Perjuangan), the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the National
Mandate Party (PAN), later followed by the United Development
Party (PPP) and the Justice Party -- joined forces to challenge
Golkar's ambition.

Why has there been such a spontaneous and strong reaction
against Golkar and Habibie? Obviously, from a constitutional
point of view, there is nothing wrong with Golkar nominating
Habibie for the next president. Like other political parties,
Golkar has the right to do so. The question is, if Habibie is
elected, what will be the prospects of the student-initiated
democratic reforms?

Leaders of reform-oriented political parties argue that
Habibie represents the continuation of the New Order regime. As
such, he is a supporter of the status quo. With the support of
Golkar, he symbolizes the efforts of the old government to stay
in power and escape the political and legal responsibilities to
the people.

Like many other Golkar figures, Habibie is a byproduct of the
New Order regime. Had it been otherwise, Soeharto would not have
chosen him as his successor in May 1998. It is no wonder that
Habibie has seemed, at best, reluctant to bring Soeharto and his
cronies to court.

It is true that Habibie and other Golkar leaders have recently
joined the public in supporting reform. Some of them who were
once beneficiaries of Soeharto's corrupt regime are even actively
condemning their former leader. However, their apparent support
of political reform is not the result of changes to their basic
political characters.

They are newly converted reformists, who support reform
because of external imperatives. They are basically situational
democrats. Such politicians won't allow sustained democracy.

Let us now look at the more genuine proponents of total
reform. They are Megawati Soekarnoputri, Abdurrahman Wahid, Amien
Rais, Sri Bintang Pamungkas and Mochtar Pakpahan, just to name a
few. Why is their struggle for total reform more sustainable and
credible in people's eyes? Because they know and have experienced
themselves the bitterness of being oppressed by an authoritarian
political regime. They were victims of Soeharto's machine of
repression. Some of them, like Sri Bintang Pamungkas and Mochtar
Pakpahan, were even jailed with a fair and honest trial. The
Indonesian people have good reason to put their trust in these
patriots.

Would they use the same undemocratic means to deal with their
opponents and critics once they are in power? By common sense, it
is very unlikely.

It is now clear that public resistance against Habibie's
presidential nomination by Golkar has nothing to do with a denial
of his political right as a citizen. What many are against is the
old political tradition and attitude he would likely represent.
Indonesia's biggest problem in this era of transition is the
"double-mindedness" of its national leadership. A double-minded
leader cannot be expected to work out a comprehensive solution to
the nation's big problems, such as the elimination of KKN
(corruption, collusion, and nepotism) within the bureaucracy,
international distrust, human rights violations, national
disintegration and communal violence.

Fear of communal violence, mass riots, bomb explosions and
national disintegration is rising because a double-minded
national leader fails to provide an effective leadership
throughout the regions. Needless to say, such fear has caused the
Indonesian people a very high cost.

Rumors of riots in big cities are always followed by a
significant increase of the price of basic commodities. Some
people have to flee the country, leaving behind their jobs and
businesses. Schools and universities have to shorten their
semesters with the risk of compromising academic standards and
public accountability.

Indonesia does need a new leader. He or she must be a person
of conviction with a strong determination to lead this nation
into a bright and democratic future. But then again such
leadership has to be a byproduct of an honest and fair general
election. Therefore, fellow citizens, we are all responsible for
making this dream come true in the coming elections.

The writer is a lecturer in the Department of International
Relations at the Parahyangan Catholic University in Bandung. His
e-mail address is: aleks@home.unpar.ac.id