Unofficial warders exercise power politics in prisons

By Tri Agus S. Siswowihardjo

Unofficial wardens exercise great influence on the internal condition of Indonesian prisons. These wardens are actually prison inmates who can dominate the situation because of their money and influence.

JAKARTA (JP): Remember the riot in Medan's Tanjung Gusta prison at the end of March, in which six inmates were killed? Although three of the six victims were members of the separatist Aceh movement jailed for subversion, the government said the incident was not engineered but triggered by rivalry among prisoners.

The victims, Iwan Dhukun and his friends, were known in the prison as "unofficial wardens".

What happened in Tanjung Gusta is a common occurrence in Indonesian prisons. The cause can sometimes be as trivial as a look in the wrong direction. Generally, the problem is a fight for dominance between two or more rival groups.

The clash of unofficial wardens resulting in the riot and deaths in Tanjung Gusta is part of an interesting phenomenon in Indonesian prisons.

In September, 1995, a number of Jakarta's mass media said their reporters had followed Subekti Ismaun, who is serving a six-year jail term in Salemba prison for the Bapindo bank fraud, to Puncak, 90 kilometers south of Jakarta, where he received medical treatment.

Dicky Iskandar Dinata, jailed for eight years for foreign exchange manipulation at Bank Duta, made headlines last November while in a transitory period toward a conditional release. He was suspected of sexually harassing a woman employee at the office where he was undergoing an assimilation process.

Despite the differences in the nature of incidents and locations, the three cases have one thing in common, namely the existence of unofficial wardens.

In Tanjung Gusta prison, hundreds of prisoners were envious of the facilities enjoyed by Iwan Dhukun and his friends.

In Subekti Ismaun's case, there was no riot but suspicion reigned among the prison employees because any handouts from the prisoner were not equally shared. These employees reported their suspicions to their supervisor or the mass media.

Dicky's case underlined the lack of discipline among prison employees. As a former Bank Duta director, Dicky managed to manipulate certain prison wardens who had become lax in their supervision.

Unofficial wardens can be found in Indonesia's larger prisons, where some prisoners have special facilities and the power to give orders to other prisoners and even prison employees.

There are two main factors contributing to the existence of unofficial wardens. First, the application of the modern penitentiary system. Second, the lack of discipline among prison employees.

According to penologists, the meaning of punishment has changed. A prisoner is deprived of his freedom in society and temporarily alienated from the community but he is entitled to have someone, or something, come to the place where he is incarcerated.

It is no secret that prisoner Eddy Tanzil, sentenced to 20 years in jail for a Rp 1.3 billion bank fraud, had a room not much different from that in a star-rated hotel, or an office, equipped with such things as television, laser disk player, mobile phone, fan and refrigerator. Thus, he continued to conduct his business from prison.

A few years ago, when Baharuddin Lopa was director general of correctional institutions, there was a debate in the mass media whether prisoners should obtain fulfillment of their biological needs.

The controversial issue has been forgotten, but now, in a number of larger prisons in Jakarta, the practice of "night porters" is taking place: a call girl's visit costs Rp 200,000 to Rp 300,000 (US$85 to $127). In the case of his own wife visiting, a prisoner pays Rp 100,000 at the most for room rent.

Under the modern penitentiary system, imprisonment is not revenge. It is much criticized for spoiling prisoners and creating a gap between prisoners. Rich prisoners have better facilities: a special block, a special room, special visiting hours.

On the other hand, poor prisoners, who make up the majority of inmates, depend on the prison's food rations and minimum facilities. In the Salemba prison in Central Jakarta, for example, the budget for health care of some 1,000 prisoners is only Rp 400,000 for six months. This is one of the gaps causing envy and creating a latent threat for riots.

The problem of discipline among prison employees, who are government employees, is chronic. How can they be expected to practice strict discipline with low pay? Compromise is inevitable. Mutual symbiosis occurs in prisons. Prisoners want latitudes, including such things as their rooms not locked 24 hours a day; visiting hours should not be limited; and permission to have important equipment in their rooms.

On the other hand, prison employees want to raise their income. Who is to blame in this mutually-beneficial situation? Is the prison system ideal?

A security chief who has worked in the Cipinang and Salemba prisons says that the main role of any prison is to prevent prisoners from escaping. Restraining prisoners with very strict measures tend to result in revolt and escape. This is based on the fact that in the past 10 years the Salemba prison has never had an escape, only a number of insignificant fights.

However, what needs to be questioned is why are the inmates the same old faces. Has the correctional process failed, or do the inmates like to stay?

A friend of mine, a student at Bandung Institute of Technology, who was once imprisoned for opposing former minister of home affairs Rudini's visit to the campus, says that a prison is like a dormitory or a boarding house, the difference being that one does not have a key. My friend will probably be startled to see how prison conditions have become less sinister.

With money and influence, one may become an unofficial warden with star-rated hotel facilities. Want to try?

The writer is an observer of prison conditions. He once served a prison sentence. He now lives in Central Jakarta.