Unofficial warders exercise power politics in prisons
Unofficial warders exercise power politics in prisons
By Tri Agus S. Siswowihardjo
Unofficial wardens exercise great influence on the internal
condition of Indonesian prisons. These wardens are actually
prison inmates who can dominate the situation because of their
money and influence.
JAKARTA (JP): Remember the riot in Medan's Tanjung Gusta
prison at the end of March, in which six inmates were killed?
Although three of the six victims were members of the separatist
Aceh movement jailed for subversion, the government said the
incident was not engineered but triggered by rivalry among
prisoners.
The victims, Iwan Dhukun and his friends, were known in the
prison as "unofficial wardens".
What happened in Tanjung Gusta is a common occurrence in
Indonesian prisons. The cause can sometimes be as trivial as a
look in the wrong direction. Generally, the problem is a fight
for dominance between two or more rival groups.
The clash of unofficial wardens resulting in the riot and
deaths in Tanjung Gusta is part of an interesting phenomenon in
Indonesian prisons.
In September, 1995, a number of Jakarta's mass media said
their reporters had followed Subekti Ismaun, who is serving a
six-year jail term in Salemba prison for the Bapindo bank fraud,
to Puncak, 90 kilometers south of Jakarta, where he received
medical treatment.
Dicky Iskandar Dinata, jailed for eight years for foreign
exchange manipulation at Bank Duta, made headlines last November
while in a transitory period toward a conditional release. He was
suspected of sexually harassing a woman employee at the office
where he was undergoing an assimilation process.
Despite the differences in the nature of incidents and
locations, the three cases have one thing in common, namely the
existence of unofficial wardens.
In Tanjung Gusta prison, hundreds of prisoners were envious of
the facilities enjoyed by Iwan Dhukun and his friends.
In Subekti Ismaun's case, there was no riot but suspicion
reigned among the prison employees because any handouts from the
prisoner were not equally shared. These employees reported their
suspicions to their supervisor or the mass media.
Dicky's case underlined the lack of discipline among prison
employees. As a former Bank Duta director, Dicky managed to
manipulate certain prison wardens who had become lax in their
supervision.
Unofficial wardens can be found in Indonesia's larger prisons,
where some prisoners have special facilities and the power to
give orders to other prisoners and even prison employees.
There are two main factors contributing to the existence of
unofficial wardens. First, the application of the modern
penitentiary system. Second, the lack of discipline among prison
employees.
According to penologists, the meaning of punishment has
changed. A prisoner is deprived of his freedom in society and
temporarily alienated from the community but he is entitled to
have someone, or something, come to the place where he is
incarcerated.
It is no secret that prisoner Eddy Tanzil, sentenced to 20
years in jail for a Rp 1.3 billion bank fraud, had a room not
much different from that in a star-rated hotel, or an office,
equipped with such things as television, laser disk player,
mobile phone, fan and refrigerator. Thus, he continued to conduct
his business from prison.
A few years ago, when Baharuddin Lopa was director general of
correctional institutions, there was a debate in the mass media
whether prisoners should obtain fulfillment of their biological
needs.
The controversial issue has been forgotten, but now, in a
number of larger prisons in Jakarta, the practice of "night
porters" is taking place: a call girl's visit costs Rp 200,000 to
Rp 300,000 (US$85 to $127). In the case of his own wife visiting,
a prisoner pays Rp 100,000 at the most for room rent.
Under the modern penitentiary system, imprisonment is not
revenge. It is much criticized for spoiling prisoners and
creating a gap between prisoners. Rich prisoners have better
facilities: a special block, a special room, special visiting
hours.
On the other hand, poor prisoners, who make up the majority of
inmates, depend on the prison's food rations and minimum
facilities. In the Salemba prison in Central Jakarta, for
example, the budget for health care of some 1,000 prisoners is
only Rp 400,000 for six months. This is one of the gaps causing
envy and creating a latent threat for riots.
The problem of discipline among prison employees, who are
government employees, is chronic. How can they be expected to
practice strict discipline with low pay? Compromise is
inevitable. Mutual symbiosis occurs in prisons. Prisoners want
latitudes, including such things as their rooms not locked 24
hours a day; visiting hours should not be limited; and permission
to have important equipment in their rooms.
On the other hand, prison employees want to raise their
income. Who is to blame in this mutually-beneficial situation? Is
the prison system ideal?
A security chief who has worked in the Cipinang and Salemba
prisons says that the main role of any prison is to prevent
prisoners from escaping. Restraining prisoners with very strict
measures tend to result in revolt and escape. This is based on
the fact that in the past 10 years the Salemba prison has never
had an escape, only a number of insignificant fights.
However, what needs to be questioned is why are the inmates
the same old faces. Has the correctional process failed, or do
the inmates like to stay?
A friend of mine, a student at Bandung Institute of
Technology, who was once imprisoned for opposing former minister
of home affairs Rudini's visit to the campus, says that a prison
is like a dormitory or a boarding house, the difference being
that one does not have a key. My friend will probably be startled
to see how prison conditions have become less sinister.
With money and influence, one may become an unofficial warden
with star-rated hotel facilities. Want to try?
The writer is an observer of prison conditions. He once served
a prison sentence. He now lives in Central Jakarta.