Tracing Hizbut Tahrir in Indonesia

Tracing Hizbut Tahrir in Indonesia

Solahudin
Observer
Islamic Movements
Jakarta

Since the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11 in the U.S., all
Islamic groups considered militant have been in the spotlight.

Ahmed Rasyid, the author of Taliban, recently launched his
latest book titled Jihad: The Rise of Militant Islam in Central
Asia. Published by Yale University, the book, recently reviewed
in the Far Eastern Economic Review weekly, discusses a militant
Islamic group which has enchanted people in Central Asian
countries like Uzbekistan, Kyrgistan and Tajikistan. It bears a
name that appeal to its followers, the Hizbut Tahrir (HT), or the
Liberation Party.

The Hizbut Tahrir is among the important forgotten Islamic
movements, comparable to the Taliban, al-Qaeda, Gamma Al-Islam
and Jihad Al-Islam -- all regarded as militant Islamic groups.

Currently headed by Sheikh Abdul Qadeem Zaloom, a Muslim elder
from the Middle East who lives in Europe, the HT has been around
for quite a long time.

The HT is on a par with the world's most significant Islamic
movements of Ikhwanul Muslimin, Anshar As-Sunah and Jammah
Tablig. The Hizbut Tahrir, according to a classic reference on
Islamic movements (Ath-Thariq ila Jama'atil Muslimin) by Hussin
bin Muhammad bin Ali Jabir, is the most militant of these
movements.

Its history goes back to the establishment of an Islamic
political party by Sheikh Taqiyuddin An-Nabhahani, a Muslim elder
who was also a judge, in Al-Quds, Jerusalem, in 1953. Its goal
was to establish a global Islamic state or khalifah Islamiyah, as
recommended by Prophet Mohammed.

The movement grew from disappointment over what was considered
a global setback of Muslims. The HT believes that the source of
Muslims' problems is because their daily life is not based on
syariah (Islamic law). An Islamic state would guarantee the
implementation of syariah.

The HT is determined to meet the goal in three stages
(marhalah dakwah). First, indoctrination and member formation.
Second, the interaction stage, wherein members are to mingle with
the public. They must try to provide an Islamic perspective to
every social problem so as to make people aware that Islam is the
only key to the settlement of problems.

Third, the stage of taking over power. When people are aware
that only Islam can solve every problem, they are expected to
demand that syariah be implemented and the establishment of an
Islamic state.

The HT claims to have tens of thousands of members in 26
Indonesian provinces. Together with the Jamaah Tarbiyah --
considered to be an extension of the Ikhawanul Muslimin and which
became the Justice Party, the HT is now among the two most
militant Islamic movements in the country.

The HT entered Indonesia in 1982-1983, preceded by an
invitation from KH Abdullah bin Nuh, the owner of the Al-Ghazali
Islamic boarding school in Bogor, to Abdurahman Albaghdadi,
Hizbut Tahrir's leader in the Asia-Pacific, who lived in
Australia. He moved to Bogor in West Java and helped the
development of the Al-Ghazali boarding school. While teaching
there, Albaghdadi interacted with Muslim activists from the Al-
Ghifari mosque at the Bogor Institute of Agriculture (IPB).

He lectured on the ideas of HT in Islamic courses. They began
to study the movement's books such as Syaksiyah Islamiyah, Fikrul
Islam and Nishom Islam. The first official dissemination of HT's
ideas was undertaken through the Campus Islamic Proselytizing
Institution (LDK) in 1984.

HT's ideas were then spread through the mosques of various
campuses outside Bogor like Bandung's Padjadjaran University, the
Malang Teachers Training Institute (IKIP), Surabaya's Airlangga
University and even Makassar's Hasanuddin University in South
Sulawesi. It is therefore no surprise that the majority of HT
supporters in Indonesia consist of alumni or mosque activists of
those campuses.

Since Soeharto quit the presidency, "militant" Islamic groups
have been more bold in publicly displaying their activities. This
has also been the case with HT since 2000. It has changed its
name to Sabab Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (SHTI) or the Youth of
Liberation Party (Pemuda Partai Pembebasan) now headed by
Muhammad Al-Khaththath, and assisted by Muhammad Abu Fida.

In mid-2000 an international conference featuring HT figures
took place at Jakarta's Senayan indoor stadium. The conference,
which invited HT activists from other countries like Ustadz
(teacher) Ismail Al-Wahwah from Australia and Ustadz Syarifuddin
M. Zain from Malaysia, stressed the importance of an Islamic
state.

In the following months, HT activists toured Surabaya, Bogor,
Bandung and Tangerang to disseminate their ideas. They have also
even been active in street rallies. HT members were involved in
an anti-U.S. demonstration in October 2001. In early 2002, this
group launched a demonstration against the fuel price hike plans.

The concerns over militant Islamic movements is their
potential to use force. According to The Oxford Encyclopedia of
the Modern Islamic World (1995), the HT was involved in coup
attempts in Amman, Jordan, in 1968 and 1969. Similar attempts
were made in Baghdad, Iraq, in 1972; Cairo, Egypt, in 1974; and
Damascus, Syria, in 1976.

The coup attempts were in line with their teachings of the
stages of struggle; force is allowed when authorities are
considered to have ignored the demand of the majority of the
people for the implementation of syariah. However, all HT's coup
attempts have so far been aborted.

In Indonesia, HT's struggle is in the second stage, which
focuses on interaction with the public, as the current degree of
freedom allows them to campaign openly. Use of force is unlikely
as this would be perceived as disadvantageous to their struggle.

HT chairman Muhammad Al-Khaththath told the media two years
ago that his group was ready to contest the 2004 general
election. This intention must be welcomed, because by
participating in the elections the HT has demonstrated it will
refrain from violence.

The general election will give the HT further opportunity to
promote its ideas. The elections would prove whether it has any
significant appeal. If it fails it will have to continue to work
hard in this second stage of its struggle -- interaction with the
public. Force is not an option.

Contesting the elections is also the best way for any other
Islamic groups to promote their aspirations, a measure which
would curb any fears of violence stemming from those dubbed
"militant" Islamic groups.