Sun, 31 Mar 2002

Tracing Hizbut Tahrir in Indonesia

Solahudin Observer Islamic Movements Jakarta

Since the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11 in the U.S., all Islamic groups considered militant have been in the spotlight.

Ahmed Rasyid, the author of Taliban, recently launched his latest book titled Jihad: The Rise of Militant Islam in Central Asia. Published by Yale University, the book, recently reviewed in the Far Eastern Economic Review weekly, discusses a militant Islamic group which has enchanted people in Central Asian countries like Uzbekistan, Kyrgistan and Tajikistan. It bears a name that appeal to its followers, the Hizbut Tahrir (HT), or the Liberation Party.

The Hizbut Tahrir is among the important forgotten Islamic movements, comparable to the Taliban, al-Qaeda, Gamma Al-Islam and Jihad Al-Islam -- all regarded as militant Islamic groups.

Currently headed by Sheikh Abdul Qadeem Zaloom, a Muslim elder from the Middle East who lives in Europe, the HT has been around for quite a long time.

The HT is on a par with the world's most significant Islamic movements of Ikhwanul Muslimin, Anshar As-Sunah and Jammah Tablig. The Hizbut Tahrir, according to a classic reference on Islamic movements (Ath-Thariq ila Jama'atil Muslimin) by Hussin bin Muhammad bin Ali Jabir, is the most militant of these movements.

Its history goes back to the establishment of an Islamic political party by Sheikh Taqiyuddin An-Nabhahani, a Muslim elder who was also a judge, in Al-Quds, Jerusalem, in 1953. Its goal was to establish a global Islamic state or khalifah Islamiyah, as recommended by Prophet Mohammed.

The movement grew from disappointment over what was considered a global setback of Muslims. The HT believes that the source of Muslims' problems is because their daily life is not based on syariah (Islamic law). An Islamic state would guarantee the implementation of syariah.

The HT is determined to meet the goal in three stages (marhalah dakwah). First, indoctrination and member formation. Second, the interaction stage, wherein members are to mingle with the public. They must try to provide an Islamic perspective to every social problem so as to make people aware that Islam is the only key to the settlement of problems.

Third, the stage of taking over power. When people are aware that only Islam can solve every problem, they are expected to demand that syariah be implemented and the establishment of an Islamic state.

The HT claims to have tens of thousands of members in 26 Indonesian provinces. Together with the Jamaah Tarbiyah -- considered to be an extension of the Ikhawanul Muslimin and which became the Justice Party, the HT is now among the two most militant Islamic movements in the country.

The HT entered Indonesia in 1982-1983, preceded by an invitation from KH Abdullah bin Nuh, the owner of the Al-Ghazali Islamic boarding school in Bogor, to Abdurahman Albaghdadi, Hizbut Tahrir's leader in the Asia-Pacific, who lived in Australia. He moved to Bogor in West Java and helped the development of the Al-Ghazali boarding school. While teaching there, Albaghdadi interacted with Muslim activists from the Al- Ghifari mosque at the Bogor Institute of Agriculture (IPB).

He lectured on the ideas of HT in Islamic courses. They began to study the movement's books such as Syaksiyah Islamiyah, Fikrul Islam and Nishom Islam. The first official dissemination of HT's ideas was undertaken through the Campus Islamic Proselytizing Institution (LDK) in 1984.

HT's ideas were then spread through the mosques of various campuses outside Bogor like Bandung's Padjadjaran University, the Malang Teachers Training Institute (IKIP), Surabaya's Airlangga University and even Makassar's Hasanuddin University in South Sulawesi. It is therefore no surprise that the majority of HT supporters in Indonesia consist of alumni or mosque activists of those campuses.

Since Soeharto quit the presidency, "militant" Islamic groups have been more bold in publicly displaying their activities. This has also been the case with HT since 2000. It has changed its name to Sabab Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (SHTI) or the Youth of Liberation Party (Pemuda Partai Pembebasan) now headed by Muhammad Al-Khaththath, and assisted by Muhammad Abu Fida.

In mid-2000 an international conference featuring HT figures took place at Jakarta's Senayan indoor stadium. The conference, which invited HT activists from other countries like Ustadz (teacher) Ismail Al-Wahwah from Australia and Ustadz Syarifuddin M. Zain from Malaysia, stressed the importance of an Islamic state.

In the following months, HT activists toured Surabaya, Bogor, Bandung and Tangerang to disseminate their ideas. They have also even been active in street rallies. HT members were involved in an anti-U.S. demonstration in October 2001. In early 2002, this group launched a demonstration against the fuel price hike plans.

The concerns over militant Islamic movements is their potential to use force. According to The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World (1995), the HT was involved in coup attempts in Amman, Jordan, in 1968 and 1969. Similar attempts were made in Baghdad, Iraq, in 1972; Cairo, Egypt, in 1974; and Damascus, Syria, in 1976.

The coup attempts were in line with their teachings of the stages of struggle; force is allowed when authorities are considered to have ignored the demand of the majority of the people for the implementation of syariah. However, all HT's coup attempts have so far been aborted.

In Indonesia, HT's struggle is in the second stage, which focuses on interaction with the public, as the current degree of freedom allows them to campaign openly. Use of force is unlikely as this would be perceived as disadvantageous to their struggle.

HT chairman Muhammad Al-Khaththath told the media two years ago that his group was ready to contest the 2004 general election. This intention must be welcomed, because by participating in the elections the HT has demonstrated it will refrain from violence.

The general election will give the HT further opportunity to promote its ideas. The elections would prove whether it has any significant appeal. If it fails it will have to continue to work hard in this second stage of its struggle -- interaction with the public. Force is not an option.

Contesting the elections is also the best way for any other Islamic groups to promote their aspirations, a measure which would curb any fears of violence stemming from those dubbed "militant" Islamic groups.