Tough task of autonomy
Tough task of autonomy
The outgoing House of Representatives made history last week
when it passed two decentralization laws, both sponsored by the
administration.
The first law, passed on Wednesday, allows the a greater say
for regional administrations and legislatures in managing their
affairs. Excluded from the legislation are matters relating to
defense and security, foreign, judicial, monetary, fiscal and
religious affairs, which will remain in the hands of the central
government.
The second law, passed two days later, gives resources-rich
provinces substantial shares in the annual revenue from oil and
natural gas, forestry and fishery production.
The laws hold great historical meaning because in the past the
mention of decentralization was taboo, or translated into a mere
show of autonomy, because presidents Sukarno and Soeharto were
strongly against the idea.
As some regions tried to force their wish and Jakarta
responded by crushing the movements at any cost, the road leading
to what was achieved last week was lined with blood and tears.
The central government's ironfisted rule was marked by naked
imbalance. And it hurt. People of resource-rich provinces
subsisted in abject poverty, yet a poor region like Central Java
could build a palatial residence for its governor.
Against this backdrop of inequity, the laws may appear to be
overdue, but Indonesians love the old adage "better late than
never".
Last week's move served to distinguish the Habibie
administration from previous ones, but separatist sentiments are
being voiced louder after the latest round of brutal crackdowns
in several rebellious provinces. The government might be
convinced that granting large-scale autonomy to resource-rich
provinces is the best instrument to quiet the clamor and prevent
the breakup of the republic.
Now it is the task of the provincial and district
administrations to handle the autonomy with care. It is not easy
because the tasks, which include budget management, are
considerable. Will the people elect able members of the assembly,
and do all the provinces and district have enough experts to
effect the process of autonomy?
In the past, the performance by the provincial and district
officials was deplorable. The limited budget provided by the
central government was squandered to buy luxury cars for regents,
and the New Order's dirty political system rendered local
assemblies impotent in facing the powerful petty power holders.
In the future, members of the local assemblies will be elected
in the general election and an effective check-and-balance system
supposedly will be in place. But since some regions will continue
to be remarkably affluent in comparison to their less fortunate
counterparts, the temptation to sample from the forbidden fruit
will be much greater.
Reform and decentralization are tough jobs, but ones
everybody is expected to realize through a sincere commitment and
wish to succeed.