Tough task of autonomy

The outgoing House of Representatives made history last week when it passed two decentralization laws, both sponsored by the administration.

The first law, passed on Wednesday, allows the a greater say for regional administrations and legislatures in managing their affairs. Excluded from the legislation are matters relating to defense and security, foreign, judicial, monetary, fiscal and religious affairs, which will remain in the hands of the central government.

The second law, passed two days later, gives resources-rich provinces substantial shares in the annual revenue from oil and natural gas, forestry and fishery production.

The laws hold great historical meaning because in the past the mention of decentralization was taboo, or translated into a mere show of autonomy, because presidents Sukarno and Soeharto were strongly against the idea.

As some regions tried to force their wish and Jakarta responded by crushing the movements at any cost, the road leading to what was achieved last week was lined with blood and tears.

The central government's ironfisted rule was marked by naked imbalance. And it hurt. People of resource-rich provinces subsisted in abject poverty, yet a poor region like Central Java could build a palatial residence for its governor.

Against this backdrop of inequity, the laws may appear to be overdue, but Indonesians love the old adage "better late than never".

Last week's move served to distinguish the Habibie administration from previous ones, but separatist sentiments are being voiced louder after the latest round of brutal crackdowns in several rebellious provinces. The government might be convinced that granting large-scale autonomy to resource-rich provinces is the best instrument to quiet the clamor and prevent the breakup of the republic.

Now it is the task of the provincial and district administrations to handle the autonomy with care. It is not easy because the tasks, which include budget management, are considerable. Will the people elect able members of the assembly, and do all the provinces and district have enough experts to effect the process of autonomy?

In the past, the performance by the provincial and district officials was deplorable. The limited budget provided by the central government was squandered to buy luxury cars for regents, and the New Order's dirty political system rendered local assemblies impotent in facing the powerful petty power holders.

In the future, members of the local assemblies will be elected in the general election and an effective check-and-balance system supposedly will be in place. But since some regions will continue to be remarkably affluent in comparison to their less fortunate counterparts, the temptation to sample from the forbidden fruit will be much greater.

Reform and decentralization are tough jobs, but ones everybody is expected to realize through a sincere commitment and wish to succeed.