Toppling Akbar Tandjung: Mission impossible

Toppling Akbar Tandjung: Mission impossible

Kornelius Purba, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

The soft spoken Akbar Tandjung, who was closely involved in
the downfall of two presidents and who left his mentor Soeharto
shortly before the latter quit in 1998, may now have to use the
same strategy to maintain his own shaky position in the list of
the nation's top elite.

Aware of his impressive political career, his political foes
must keep in mind that their efforts to oust him may backfire
unless they can outpower the 56-year old politician. His
experience as chairman of the influential Islamic Student
Association (HMI) in the early 1970s, a Golkar legislator for 11
years until 1988 and Cabinet member for another 11 years until
1999, including 10 years under Soeharto, illustrates the
political acumen of this Batak politician.

Before the case involving his alleged misuse of Rp 40 billion
in State Logistics Agency (Bulog) funds came to light, commonly
referred to as Buloggate II, Akbar was widely regarded as a
likely presidential candidates for the 2004 elections, in spite
of his intensive involvement in Soeharto's 32-year regime.

He is known as a polite man, willing to answer nearly all
questions posed by journalists -- who frequently later realize
his answers were so vague they left little worth reporting.

While maintaining a amicable personal relationship with former
president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid and B.J. Habibie up until
their demise, Akbar's position as Golkar chairman was quite
pivotal in ending their presidential careers. The People's
Consultative Assembly (MPR) dismissed Abdurrahman last July after
a lengthy confrontation with the Assembly and the House of
Representatives (DPR). Abdurrahman and Akbar still exchanged
jokes in public not long before the impeachment. Abdurrahman
always called him Bang (older brother) Akbar until his ouster.

During the legislature's debates to examine Abdurrahman's
alleged involvement in a scandal involving Rp 35 billion in Bulog
funds, dubbed as Buloggate I, Akbar refrained from presiding over
the debates despite being House Speaker. Instead, he asked his
deputies to chair some of the heated forums.

Considering its current position as the second largest faction
in the Assembly and the House after the Indonesian Democratic
Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), no doubt Golkar played a
leading role not only in the rise of Abdurrahman as the country's
fourth president in 1999, but also in his tragic fall.

With strong assurances from leaders of major political
parties, including Akbar, then vice president Megawati
Soekarnoputri agreed to replace Abdurrahman. Despite his earlier
denials, Akbar unexpectedly joined the vice presidential race in
July. The United Development Party (PPP) chairman Hamzah Haz, who
finally won the race, was outraged by Akbar's "betrayal".

Habibie's fate in the hands of Akbar could be considered more
unfortunate than Abdurrahman. After replacing Soeharto in May
1998, Habibie appointed Akbar as state secretary. Habibie also
strongly endorsed Akbar's election as Golkar chairman two months
later. Akbar succeeded in changing the image of Golkar from a
political tool of Soeharto to a "reformist" party.

Just one month before the general elections in June 1999,
Akbar resigned from the Cabinet. A few weeks before his
resignation, Akbar allegedly received Rp 40 billion from Bulog's
Yantera Foundation.

With Habibie as its sole presidential candidate, Golkar won
second position after Megawati's PDI Perjuangan in the general
elections. They gained great support in the provinces outside
Java.

Akbar had repeatedly said that Golkar would fight for Habibie
until the end. In private, however, Akbar's enthusiasm for
Habibie appeared somewhat subdued.

After the Assembly rejected his accountability speech for his
17-month presidency, Habibie had to swallow his own ambitions.
Abdurrahman won the October race. Many of Habibie's supporters
were outraged with Akbar whom they accused of being a traitor.
Habibie may also have had trouble forgetting the defeat.

Buloggate II shares similarities with Buloggate I. The
Assembly fired Abdurrahman, even though the Attorney General's
Office had declared his innocence. His National Awakening Party
(PKB) failed to stop the impeachment despite the last minute
legal clearance.

Now Golkar is opposing the establishment of the House special
committee (Pansus) to probe Buloggate II arguing that it is the
duty of the Attorney General's Office. The presumption here is
that it would be easier for Akbar -- who is to go to Mecca
despite his status as a suspect -- to face Attorney General A.M.
Rachman.

Golkar is relatively solid in their support for Akbar as there
is still no candidate to replace Akbar who is equally strong.
Regional Golkar leaders so far are still happy with him because
he allows them to manage their own affairs. Indonesian Military
(TNI) leaders of course do not want to see a weakening Golkar
because historically the party has been cooperative with them.

It is clear, at least until now, that the National Awakening
Party (PKB) is the only party intent on investigating Akbar.
Megawati, who in the beginning boasted that no one was above the
law and supported the establishment of Pansus, has quietly
changed her position, and has entrusted Attorney General Rachman
to investigate the scandal. Golkar executive Marzuki Darusman,
may use his clout having been attorney general under then
president Abdurrahman to help Akbar during the legal process.

Learning from the price Abdurrahman had to pay for his
confrontational approach, Megawati is aware that once she corners
Golkar and seasoned politician Akbar, her government's stability
will be jeopardized. She may think that it would be better for
Golkar to decide Akbar's fate.

How about other parties like the United Development Party
(PPP), the Crescent Star Party (PBB) and Amien Rais's National
Mandate Party (PAN)?. PPP and PBB were once rumored to have
received money from Bulog during Habibie's tenure. They have
flatly denied the rumors.

PAN is clean but Amien realizes that the party's small size
would only cause him embarrassment if he were to go it alone. In
PAN's estimation, the possible fall of Akbar and the consequences
for Golkar may severely affect their own position -- while the
general elections are only two years ahead.

For its own sake it would be better for Golkar to get rid of
Akbar. But the problem is not that simple. Akbar did much to
salvage the party's position in the last general election. He has
several opponents within the party, but they lack the power to
oust him. Golkar is the most potential institution to remove
Akbar, but Akbar's fall may also be followed by its own demise.

The general public, political commentators and students are
calling for Akbar's resignation. The Attorney General's Office is
so far the last hope for them. But has this office ever been able
to appease the public? So far there seems no effective way to
punish Akbar despite public outrage over his actions.