Toppling Akbar Tandjung: Mission impossible

Kornelius Purba, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

The soft spoken Akbar Tandjung, who was closely involved in the downfall of two presidents and who left his mentor Soeharto shortly before the latter quit in 1998, may now have to use the same strategy to maintain his own shaky position in the list of the nation's top elite.

Aware of his impressive political career, his political foes must keep in mind that their efforts to oust him may backfire unless they can outpower the 56-year old politician. His experience as chairman of the influential Islamic Student Association (HMI) in the early 1970s, a Golkar legislator for 11 years until 1988 and Cabinet member for another 11 years until 1999, including 10 years under Soeharto, illustrates the political acumen of this Batak politician.

Before the case involving his alleged misuse of Rp 40 billion in State Logistics Agency (Bulog) funds came to light, commonly referred to as Buloggate II, Akbar was widely regarded as a likely presidential candidates for the 2004 elections, in spite of his intensive involvement in Soeharto's 32-year regime.

He is known as a polite man, willing to answer nearly all questions posed by journalists -- who frequently later realize his answers were so vague they left little worth reporting.

While maintaining a amicable personal relationship with former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid and B.J. Habibie up until their demise, Akbar's position as Golkar chairman was quite pivotal in ending their presidential careers. The People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) dismissed Abdurrahman last July after a lengthy confrontation with the Assembly and the House of Representatives (DPR). Abdurrahman and Akbar still exchanged jokes in public not long before the impeachment. Abdurrahman always called him Bang (older brother) Akbar until his ouster.

During the legislature's debates to examine Abdurrahman's alleged involvement in a scandal involving Rp 35 billion in Bulog funds, dubbed as Buloggate I, Akbar refrained from presiding over the debates despite being House Speaker. Instead, he asked his deputies to chair some of the heated forums.

Considering its current position as the second largest faction in the Assembly and the House after the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), no doubt Golkar played a leading role not only in the rise of Abdurrahman as the country's fourth president in 1999, but also in his tragic fall.

With strong assurances from leaders of major political parties, including Akbar, then vice president Megawati Soekarnoputri agreed to replace Abdurrahman. Despite his earlier denials, Akbar unexpectedly joined the vice presidential race in July. The United Development Party (PPP) chairman Hamzah Haz, who finally won the race, was outraged by Akbar's "betrayal".

Habibie's fate in the hands of Akbar could be considered more unfortunate than Abdurrahman. After replacing Soeharto in May 1998, Habibie appointed Akbar as state secretary. Habibie also strongly endorsed Akbar's election as Golkar chairman two months later. Akbar succeeded in changing the image of Golkar from a political tool of Soeharto to a "reformist" party.

Just one month before the general elections in June 1999, Akbar resigned from the Cabinet. A few weeks before his resignation, Akbar allegedly received Rp 40 billion from Bulog's Yantera Foundation.

With Habibie as its sole presidential candidate, Golkar won second position after Megawati's PDI Perjuangan in the general elections. They gained great support in the provinces outside Java.

Akbar had repeatedly said that Golkar would fight for Habibie until the end. In private, however, Akbar's enthusiasm for Habibie appeared somewhat subdued.

After the Assembly rejected his accountability speech for his 17-month presidency, Habibie had to swallow his own ambitions. Abdurrahman won the October race. Many of Habibie's supporters were outraged with Akbar whom they accused of being a traitor. Habibie may also have had trouble forgetting the defeat.

Buloggate II shares similarities with Buloggate I. The Assembly fired Abdurrahman, even though the Attorney General's Office had declared his innocence. His National Awakening Party (PKB) failed to stop the impeachment despite the last minute legal clearance.

Now Golkar is opposing the establishment of the House special committee (Pansus) to probe Buloggate II arguing that it is the duty of the Attorney General's Office. The presumption here is that it would be easier for Akbar -- who is to go to Mecca despite his status as a suspect -- to face Attorney General A.M. Rachman.

Golkar is relatively solid in their support for Akbar as there is still no candidate to replace Akbar who is equally strong. Regional Golkar leaders so far are still happy with him because he allows them to manage their own affairs. Indonesian Military (TNI) leaders of course do not want to see a weakening Golkar because historically the party has been cooperative with them.

It is clear, at least until now, that the National Awakening Party (PKB) is the only party intent on investigating Akbar. Megawati, who in the beginning boasted that no one was above the law and supported the establishment of Pansus, has quietly changed her position, and has entrusted Attorney General Rachman to investigate the scandal. Golkar executive Marzuki Darusman, may use his clout having been attorney general under then president Abdurrahman to help Akbar during the legal process.

Learning from the price Abdurrahman had to pay for his confrontational approach, Megawati is aware that once she corners Golkar and seasoned politician Akbar, her government's stability will be jeopardized. She may think that it would be better for Golkar to decide Akbar's fate.

How about other parties like the United Development Party (PPP), the Crescent Star Party (PBB) and Amien Rais's National Mandate Party (PAN)?. PPP and PBB were once rumored to have received money from Bulog during Habibie's tenure. They have flatly denied the rumors.

PAN is clean but Amien realizes that the party's small size would only cause him embarrassment if he were to go it alone. In PAN's estimation, the possible fall of Akbar and the consequences for Golkar may severely affect their own position -- while the general elections are only two years ahead.

For its own sake it would be better for Golkar to get rid of Akbar. But the problem is not that simple. Akbar did much to salvage the party's position in the last general election. He has several opponents within the party, but they lack the power to oust him. Golkar is the most potential institution to remove Akbar, but Akbar's fall may also be followed by its own demise.

The general public, political commentators and students are calling for Akbar's resignation. The Attorney General's Office is so far the last hope for them. But has this office ever been able to appease the public? So far there seems no effective way to punish Akbar despite public outrage over his actions.