Tokyo, Pyongyang rapprochement hopeful new era in East Asia
The Korea Herald, Asia News Network, Seoul
Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's half-day stay in Pyongyang on Tuesday will no doubt go down in history as a diplomatic watershed. During their short, three-hour summit, the Japanese leader and his North Korean counterpart, Kim Jong-il, opened the way for not only normalizing their estranged ties of 57 years but also bringing about permanent peace on the Korean Peninsula, the Cold War's last remaining bastion. Has Koizumi's "big political gamble" paid off, then? The next few months will tell.
Most remarkable was Kim's candid recognition of the North's abduction of Japanese nationals and sincere apology for it. The bold sacrifice of political pride for realistic gain shows the dire economic straits facing the bankrupt communist country. Pyongyang's willingness to accept international demands on the issues of a missile test moratorium and nuclear inspections also reflects its desire to reopen dialog with the United States soon. We welcome that the North appears to have finally decided to emerge from its isolationist cocoon.
But the bigger winner in this seemingly win-win package settlement should be Japan. Tokyo at least has resolved its long- harbored concerns about kidnapped citizens, while securing a greater say in regional diplomacy. What Koizumi offered in return were reparations (wrapped as economic aid) and an apology for colonization, neither of which exceeded what Japan had provided to South Korea. Most important of all for Japan, Tokyo attained all these without the help or even wholehearted endorsement of Washington.
Despite the popular appeal, the abduction issue might have been no more than a diplomatic ploy by both sides. Underneath the renewed Japanese approach to the North was Tokyo's anxiousness not to lag behind other major powers in East Asia, both politically and economically. Koizumi's call for a six-party forum of America, China, Russia and Japan, plus the two Koreas, to discuss regional security issues well reflects such a wish. Tokyo also aims to create a regional economic sphere with its development aid to the North.
The U.S. appears none too pleased with the latest series of political developments surrounding this divided peninsula, including Japan's "diplomatic independence" from America. So it was understandable that Washington reminded Tokyo of getting firm guarantees regarding weapons of mass destruction. But U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's assertion prior to the summit, that the North already possesses a nuclear bomb, was questionable in its intent. If such a claim were true, Washington has an obligation to present the evidence.
Although normalization talks between Tokyo and Pyongyang are to accelerate next month, the North should not be in an excessive hurry -- despite its urgent situation, including food shortages. Most of all, Pyongyang should not follow the precedent of Seoul, which failed to make Tokyo unequivocally recognize its past misdeeds on the Korean people -- thus blocking individuals from seeking reparations from the Japanese government -- in its haste to get compensation aid. The victims of such missteps are the "comfort women" and slave laborers.
Come to think of it, the tens of thousands of sex slaves, many of whom were dragged to Japanese army brothels during World War II, simply cannot be compared with a few dozen Japanese nationals abducted by North Korean agents. Pyongyang needs to be squarer in demanding indemnity and an apology from Japan in future talks. Tokyo should show political maturity commensurate with its economic power. The normalization process in the post-Cold War era must be different from that with South Korea and China decades ago.
However auspicious the start, this is no guarantee that the end will turn out well, too. Both Japan and North Korea should resist the temptation to use their diplomatic bargaining to get out of domestic difficulties. They should come to the negotiation table with a sense of mission to create a new order in Northeast Asia. Pyongyang should be more sincere on the weapons of mass destruction issue, and Japan ought not to regress to petty nationalism and militarism, as urged by its ultra-rightist groups.
Any permanent peace structure on this peninsula, however, will depend on how the United States regards North Korea and shapes their future relationship. Pyongyang has made clear its willingness to cooperate with America if only Washington drops its hostility. Now it has to back up words with deeds. The U.S. administration needs to give North Korea the benefit of doubt, even for the last time. Washington should send an envoy to Pyongyang at an early date, as it has promised, now that the Kim- Koizumi talks have ended in success.
There is no denying that President Kim Dae-jung's "sunshine policy," despite some loss of luster, was behind Japan's approach to the North. The Koreas must facilitate the reconciliation process regardless of their respective domestic political situations. The Busan Asian Games which will begin later this month may be an optimum occasion for Kim Jong-il to make a reciprocal visit. The latest developments show foreign powers, even the old colonial force, are poised to reclaim center stage on the Korean Peninsula as long as its inhabitants are mired in an outdated ideological struggle.