TNI needs new moral realignment

By Hermawan Sulistyo

JAKARTA (JP): In the first half of the 1950s, Indonesia adopted a liberal multiparty system. Political parties dominated all political processes. As a result there grew what has been termed as politik aliran ("stream politics"), a term coined by anthropologist Clifford Geertz. The term emphasizes the characteristics of communalism and primordialism in politics, and that mass politics followed the pattern of national politics.

The multiparty system also resulted in politicized civil and military bureaucracies. The newly politicized military created a serious factionalism. Officers and soldiers became affiliated with political parties and outside interests conflicted with traditional professionalism.

At the same time, the Indonesian Military (TNI) assumed the role of guardian of the nation. If it considered the government was ineffectual, it felt it had the right to intervene, "to save" the nation.

A tug-of-war between external political interference from political parties and the military reached its peak on Oct. 17 1952, when then army chief of staff Col. A.H. Nasution led a demonstration to force president Sukarno to dissolve the parliament and hold a general election. Sukarno refused and replaced Nasution with Col. Bambang Sugeng.

Following the "abortive coup" there were a series of events that led to more factionalism within TNI, especially the army. Approaching the 1955 general elections, the factionalism escalated to a dangerous degree, for many officers were using and being used by political forces in the political arena.

The situation finally forced the TNI leadership to search for a symbol that could reduce the tension and rebuild a new l'espirit de corps for all members. A reconciliation was needed.

The chosen symbol was the grave of Gen. Soedirman, TNI's founding father. In early 1955 all military leaders participated in the reconciliatory gesture of taking an oath at the gravesite. A new union of purpose was promised; a reconciliation was made. One result of this reconciliation was clear when the government appointed Col. Bambang Oetojo as army chief of staff in June 1955. Bambang Oetojo was a young officer affiliated with the ruling nationalist party, PNI.

TNI, with a new spirit after the reconciliation, saw Bambang's appointment as a promotion based more on political considerations than merit. They rejected the appointment, which eventually led to the downfall of the government. Their pledge of unity was effective in rebuilding the military's new spirit.

Now, at the dawning of year 2000, a similar oath taking on Sunday reminds us of that first remarkable gathering. While the situation in TNI is different today, the rare ceremony on Sunday calls attention to the seriousness of the problems and TNI's efforts toward a resolution. Today's problems have arisen from mutation of the political environment for the past three decades which elevated TNI to a privileged class.

During this golden time, TNI's loyalty shifted from the state to the New Order regime, and finally to then president Soeharto as an individual. The military halted its function as the nation's guardian, and began to function as servant of the power holder.

The brief transition period since the fall of Soeharto has provided a new political landscape and environment for the military. In the country's contemporary history, TNI has never been so humiliated and disrespected by civilians. This situation began at the end of the 1980s and early 1990s when TNI was fully supporting the ruling Golkar party. Promotions were based more on like and dislike rather than merit and political attachments politicized TNI to the extreme.

Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), the first democratically elected president has inherited a politically weak and fragmented military. A disloyal military is not only a threat to it's own unity, but also to the office of president. Thus there seems to be a perception that the situation is so serious that there should be a new symbolic effort for a reconciliation.

The present environment is indeed similar to the political environment in early 1955. The difference is that in 1955 factionalism was found only within the army, while today's fragmentation involves all three services of the armed forces -- the army, the navy and the air force.

For the first time in its history, TNI now has a navy officer as Commander-in-Chief. Recent replacements for some strategic posts including the post of the intelligence body chief (BAIS) and TNI's spokesman, comprise non-army officers. TNI may expect further "intervention" by the president in the near future for other strategic posts.

Externally, TNI has resisted, in vain, heavy criticism from the public for its alleged involvement in various riots and violent conflicts occurring over the last two years.

But why has Soedirman's grave become the symbol? First, as mentioned above, Soedirman is the military's founding father. There is a spiritual aura surrounding his name. The problem within the military now lies more with its spirit than with technicalities.

During its history, TNI has experienced "Javanization," not only in terms of personnel and staff but also in character. Most, if not all, slogans and mottoes used in all military units are in Javanese and many non-Javanese officers feel comfortable speaking in Javanese. And Javanese culture provides much latitude for such a spiritual event as the oath taking.

Second, the grave is in Yogyakarta. A tour from Jakarta could serve as means of contemplation to rebuild togetherness and a new l'espirit de corps. The tour could reduce a growing feeling of divisiveness, either from forces within or outside the military. Ceaseless pressure from the government-sanctioned Inquiry into Human Rights Abuses (KPP HAM) in East Timor on some army generals, for instance, has led to undisciplined reactions.

Last, the 1955 oath proved to be effective for reconciliation when TNI suffered from external pressures and internal fragmentation and factionalism. The belief itself is more effective for a reconciliation than what some might expect from a "mere" spiritual ceremony. In the near future, the public may expect a renewed professionalism within TNI and the departure of unprofessional and political practices.

But if history was not being repeated, the officers may have gathered in Yogyakarta to plot a coup against the government. If so, the country's collapse is only a matter of time.

The writer is executive director of the Research Institute for Democracy and Peace and a senior researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences.