TNI needs new moral realignment

TNI needs new moral realignment

By Hermawan Sulistyo

JAKARTA (JP): In the first half of the 1950s, Indonesia
adopted a liberal multiparty system. Political parties dominated
all political processes. As a result there grew what has been
termed as politik aliran ("stream politics"), a term coined by
anthropologist Clifford Geertz. The term emphasizes the
characteristics of communalism and primordialism in politics, and
that mass politics followed the pattern of national politics.

The multiparty system also resulted in politicized civil and
military bureaucracies. The newly politicized military created a
serious factionalism. Officers and soldiers became affiliated
with political parties and outside interests conflicted with
traditional professionalism.

At the same time, the Indonesian Military (TNI) assumed the
role of guardian of the nation. If it considered the government
was ineffectual, it felt it had the right to intervene, "to save"
the nation.

A tug-of-war between external political interference from
political parties and the military reached its peak on Oct. 17
1952, when then army chief of staff Col. A.H. Nasution led a
demonstration to force president Sukarno to dissolve the
parliament and hold a general election. Sukarno refused and
replaced Nasution with Col. Bambang Sugeng.

Following the "abortive coup" there were a series of events
that led to more factionalism within TNI, especially the army.
Approaching the 1955 general elections, the factionalism
escalated to a dangerous degree, for many officers were using and
being used by political forces in the political arena.

The situation finally forced the TNI leadership to search for
a symbol that could reduce the tension and rebuild a new
l'espirit de corps for all members. A reconciliation was needed.

The chosen symbol was the grave of Gen. Soedirman, TNI's
founding father. In early 1955 all military leaders participated
in the reconciliatory gesture of taking an oath at the gravesite.
A new union of purpose was promised; a reconciliation was made.
One result of this reconciliation was clear when the government
appointed Col. Bambang Oetojo as army chief of staff in June
1955. Bambang Oetojo was a young officer affiliated with the
ruling nationalist party, PNI.

TNI, with a new spirit after the reconciliation, saw Bambang's
appointment as a promotion based more on political considerations
than merit. They rejected the appointment, which eventually led
to the downfall of the government. Their pledge of unity was
effective in rebuilding the military's new spirit.

Now, at the dawning of year 2000, a similar oath taking on
Sunday reminds us of that first remarkable gathering. While the
situation in TNI is different today, the rare ceremony on Sunday
calls attention to the seriousness of the problems and TNI's
efforts toward a resolution. Today's problems have arisen from
mutation of the political environment for the past three decades
which elevated TNI to a privileged class.

During this golden time, TNI's loyalty shifted from the state
to the New Order regime, and finally to then president Soeharto
as an individual. The military halted its function as the
nation's guardian, and began to function as servant of the power
holder.

The brief transition period since the fall of Soeharto has
provided a new political landscape and environment for the
military. In the country's contemporary history, TNI has never
been so humiliated and disrespected by civilians. This situation
began at the end of the 1980s and early 1990s when TNI was fully
supporting the ruling Golkar party. Promotions were based more on
like and dislike rather than merit and political attachments
politicized TNI to the extreme.

Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), the first democratically elected
president has inherited a politically weak and fragmented
military. A disloyal military is not only a threat to it's own
unity, but also to the office of president. Thus there seems to
be a perception that the situation is so serious that there
should be a new symbolic effort for a reconciliation.

The present environment is indeed similar to the political
environment in early 1955. The difference is that in 1955
factionalism was found only within the army, while today's
fragmentation involves all three services of the armed forces --
the army, the navy and the air force.

For the first time in its history, TNI now has a navy officer
as Commander-in-Chief. Recent replacements for some strategic
posts including the post of the intelligence body chief (BAIS)
and TNI's spokesman, comprise non-army officers. TNI may expect
further "intervention" by the president in the near future for
other strategic posts.

Externally, TNI has resisted, in vain, heavy criticism from
the public for its alleged involvement in various riots and
violent conflicts occurring over the last two years.

But why has Soedirman's grave become the symbol? First, as
mentioned above, Soedirman is the military's founding father.
There is a spiritual aura surrounding his name. The problem
within the military now lies more with its spirit than with
technicalities.

During its history, TNI has experienced "Javanization," not
only in terms of personnel and staff but also in character. Most,
if not all, slogans and mottoes used in all military units are in
Javanese and many non-Javanese officers feel comfortable speaking
in Javanese. And Javanese culture provides much latitude for such
a spiritual event as the oath taking.

Second, the grave is in Yogyakarta. A tour from Jakarta could
serve as means of contemplation to rebuild togetherness and a new
l'espirit de corps. The tour could reduce a growing feeling of
divisiveness, either from forces within or outside the military.
Ceaseless pressure from the government-sanctioned Inquiry into
Human Rights Abuses (KPP HAM) in East Timor on some army
generals, for instance, has led to undisciplined reactions.

Last, the 1955 oath proved to be effective for reconciliation
when TNI suffered from external pressures and internal
fragmentation and factionalism. The belief itself is more
effective for a reconciliation than what some might expect from a
"mere" spiritual ceremony. In the near future, the public may
expect a renewed professionalism within TNI and the departure of
unprofessional and political practices.

But if history was not being repeated, the officers may have
gathered in Yogyakarta to plot a coup against the government. If
so, the country's collapse is only a matter of time.

The writer is executive director of the Research Institute for
Democracy and Peace and a senior researcher at the Indonesian
Institute of Sciences.