Things Susilo must consider to form a highly credible cabinet

Muhammad Qodari, Jakarta

Victory for presidential candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is almost certain. According to a quick count method by credible institutions and electronically recorded vote counting by the General Elections Commission (KPU), Susilo is likely to win the presidential race with 60 percent of the vote.

This landslide victory lends a high level of legitimacy to the first directly elected president of Indonesia. Such an endorsement is needed by the new president as he will face huge challenges in the future -- the country's economic, legal and political problems along with his minority support in the House (DPR).

One thing Susilo can do to further increase his legitimacy is to set up a cabinet that satisfies public opinion. My institute has not yet conducted a survey to find out criteria of a good cabinet according to Indonesians. However, I assume there are at least three things that affect people's judgment about the cabinet: First, the credibility of cabinet members; second, their competence; and third, their backgrounds.

Due to massive exposure to the media, especially television, the people are now aware of political events and figures in government. While their awareness of a ministerial candidate is generally lower than that of a presidential one, one bad egg can still affect the public perception of the whole group, and Susilo must be very careful in selecting his cabinet.

A ministerial candidate who will most likely get approval from the public should meet three criteria. First, he or she must be a name the public is familiar with. Based on my experience in surveying presidential candidate's popularity, there is interesting tendency in Indonesian people regarding their reaction to unknown candidates. When an Indonesian does not know a name, their attitude toward the candidate is not neutral, but negative.

Second, the candidate must be perceived to have specific competence related to the ministerial post they are assigned to. People associate competence with future success in carrying out a ministerial job. To appoint a prominent lawyer and legal expert as justice minister or attorney general will be more acceptable than installing someone with no legal background. During president Abdurrahman Wahid's administration there was widespread criticism of the appointment of Mahfud MD as minister of defense because public knew Mahfud was a constitutional law professor and not much involved in security issues beforehand.

Third, the candidate must have a clean background and a good track record. One of the people's major concerns now is the promotion of clean and good governance. It is especially true for two kinds of ministerial posts. First, the posts directly related to the enforcement of the law, such as minister of justice and attorney general. Second, the posts associated with financial resources, such as the minister for state-owned companies, the minister of forestry, and minister of oil and energy. If Susilo appoints candidates with bad reputations the candidates will be rejected by the public.

Apart from the professionals likely to be appointed ministers, the composition of cabinet members also affects people's levels of acceptance. The more professionals appointed ministers, the higher the acceptance. However, representatives from political parties in the cabinet are also indispensable. Political parties have supported the presidential candidacy and campaigned for Susilo. They are also instrumental in securing control in the House of Representatives as Susilo is likely to face strong opposition from the National Coalition -- an alliance of parties supporting Megawati Soekarnoputri in the presidential election.

If it is possible, the composition of ministers appointed based on backgrounds -- professional or party representative -- should be 60:40. However, Susilo will likely have to distribute more than 40% of ministerial posts to political parties. Susilo must give ministerial posts to parties which have fully and openly endorsed his candidacy: The Democrat Party, Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), Crescent Star Party (PBB) and the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI). He must also give posts to two other political parties that were not fully and openly in support of his candidacy: The National Awakening Party (PKB) and National Mandate Party (PAN). He has to, because he badly needs support from PKB and PAN in the House to balance the power of Nationhood Coalition. As we know, the PKB and PAN are the fourth and fifth largest seat-holders in the legislature.

Apart from considering public opinion in setting up the cabinet, Susilo should also take into account two things: First, the structure of past cabinets, especially the one led by President Megawati Soekarnoputri, and second, the structure of cabinet as outlined by the draft Law on State Ministries.

Megawati's Cabinet consists of 34 minister and minister- equivalent posts (jabatan setingkat menteri). Megawati leads three coordinating ministers, 17 ministers in charge of departments, 10 ministers with no departments, and four posts equal to ministers (Attorney General, chief of police, Commander of the Armed Forces, and State Secretary). Among ministers with no departments, Susilo may want to abolish the minister for the acceleration of development of Eastern Indonesia as this ministry does not function well. Susilo may also want to add another coordination minister to head up legal issues, an idea he expressed a few days ago.

Along with the ministers, Susilo also wants to set up a Council on Security Issues and a Council on Economic Issues. He must be clear in his reasons and purposes for these two councils as past presidents have also established various councils -- council this, council that -- which have not proved their worth.

Finally, although the House has not yet finished deliberating the Law on State Ministries, Susilo may want to take into account the structure of the cabinet as outlined by the draft as it may be implemented in the future. It will be easier for anyone to be elected president in 2009, if the 2004 to 2009 cabinet does not differ too much in structure from what is set out in the law. Even if Susilo does not run or is not reelected in 2009, the next president would benefit from taking this route.

The writer is director of research at the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI), Jakarta. This opinion is a personal one.