Things Susilo must consider to form a highly credible cabinet
Things Susilo must consider to form a highly credible cabinet
Muhammad Qodari, Jakarta
Victory for presidential candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is
almost certain. According to a quick count method by credible
institutions and electronically recorded vote counting by the
General Elections Commission (KPU), Susilo is likely to win the
presidential race with 60 percent of the vote.
This landslide victory lends a high level of legitimacy to the
first directly elected president of Indonesia. Such an
endorsement is needed by the new president as he will face huge
challenges in the future -- the country's economic, legal and
political problems along with his minority support in the House
(DPR).
One thing Susilo can do to further increase his legitimacy is
to set up a cabinet that satisfies public opinion. My institute
has not yet conducted a survey to find out criteria of a good
cabinet according to Indonesians. However, I assume there are at
least three things that affect people's judgment about the
cabinet: First, the credibility of cabinet members; second, their
competence; and third, their backgrounds.
Due to massive exposure to the media, especially television,
the people are now aware of political events and figures in
government. While their awareness of a ministerial candidate is
generally lower than that of a presidential one, one bad egg can
still affect the public perception of the whole group, and Susilo
must be very careful in selecting his cabinet.
A ministerial candidate who will most likely get approval from
the public should meet three criteria. First, he or she must be a
name the public is familiar with. Based on my experience in
surveying presidential candidate's popularity, there is
interesting tendency in Indonesian people regarding their
reaction to unknown candidates. When an Indonesian does not know
a name, their attitude toward the candidate is not neutral, but
negative.
Second, the candidate must be perceived to have specific
competence related to the ministerial post they are assigned to.
People associate competence with future success in carrying out a
ministerial job. To appoint a prominent lawyer and legal expert
as justice minister or attorney general will be more acceptable
than installing someone with no legal background. During
president Abdurrahman Wahid's administration there was widespread
criticism of the appointment of Mahfud MD as minister of defense
because public knew Mahfud was a constitutional law professor and
not much involved in security issues beforehand.
Third, the candidate must have a clean background and a good
track record. One of the people's major concerns now is the
promotion of clean and good governance. It is especially true for
two kinds of ministerial posts. First, the posts directly related
to the enforcement of the law, such as minister of justice and
attorney general. Second, the posts associated with financial
resources, such as the minister for state-owned companies, the
minister of forestry, and minister of oil and energy. If Susilo
appoints candidates with bad reputations the candidates will be
rejected by the public.
Apart from the professionals likely to be appointed ministers,
the composition of cabinet members also affects people's levels
of acceptance. The more professionals appointed ministers, the
higher the acceptance. However, representatives from political
parties in the cabinet are also indispensable. Political parties
have supported the presidential candidacy and campaigned for
Susilo. They are also instrumental in securing control in the
House of Representatives as Susilo is likely to face strong
opposition from the National Coalition -- an alliance of parties
supporting Megawati Soekarnoputri in the presidential election.
If it is possible, the composition of ministers appointed
based on backgrounds -- professional or party representative --
should be 60:40. However, Susilo will likely have to distribute
more than 40% of ministerial posts to political parties. Susilo
must give ministerial posts to parties which have fully and
openly endorsed his candidacy: The Democrat Party, Prosperous
Justice Party (PKS), Crescent Star Party (PBB) and the Indonesian
Justice and Unity Party (PKPI). He must also give posts to two
other political parties that were not fully and openly in support
of his candidacy: The National Awakening Party (PKB) and National
Mandate Party (PAN). He has to, because he badly needs support
from PKB and PAN in the House to balance the power of Nationhood
Coalition. As we know, the PKB and PAN are the fourth and fifth
largest seat-holders in the legislature.
Apart from considering public opinion in setting up the
cabinet, Susilo should also take into account two things: First,
the structure of past cabinets, especially the one led by
President Megawati Soekarnoputri, and second, the structure of
cabinet as outlined by the draft Law on State Ministries.
Megawati's Cabinet consists of 34 minister and minister-
equivalent posts (jabatan setingkat menteri). Megawati leads
three coordinating ministers, 17 ministers in charge of
departments, 10 ministers with no departments, and four posts
equal to ministers (Attorney General, chief of police, Commander
of the Armed Forces, and State Secretary). Among ministers with
no departments, Susilo may want to abolish the minister for the
acceleration of development of Eastern Indonesia as this ministry
does not function well. Susilo may also want to add another
coordination minister to head up legal issues, an idea he
expressed a few days ago.
Along with the ministers, Susilo also wants to set up a
Council on Security Issues and a Council on Economic Issues. He
must be clear in his reasons and purposes for these two councils
as past presidents have also established various councils --
council this, council that -- which have not proved their worth.
Finally, although the House has not yet finished deliberating
the Law on State Ministries, Susilo may want to take into account
the structure of the cabinet as outlined by the draft as it may
be implemented in the future. It will be easier for anyone to be
elected president in 2009, if the 2004 to 2009 cabinet does not
differ too much in structure from what is set out in the law.
Even if Susilo does not run or is not reelected in 2009, the next
president would benefit from taking this route.
The writer is director of research at the Indonesian Survey
Institute (LSI), Jakarta. This opinion is a personal one.