The world blinks, but Indonesia loses

The world blinks, but Indonesia loses

Nationalism is cheap when it is without principles, writes
Jeffrey Winters, an expert on Indonesia from Northwestern
University Chicago, USA.

CHICAGO, Illinois (JP): Countries lose credibility when they
make threats and then cave in. This is what happened when major
countries and the World Bank explicitly linked foreign aid to the
continuing conflict in the Timors.

The demands were particularly loud and clear from the United
Nations Security Council, the United States, and the President of
the World Bank. The TNI-backed militia had to be disarmed and
withdrawn.

Those responsible for the murder of three unarmed civilian UN
humanitarian workers had to be found, prosecuted, and punished.
And figures like Eurico Guterres had to be brought to justice for
crimes against humanity.

Even if the objectives of those pressuring Jakarta have not
always been noble in the past, this time they were. They wanted
to safeguard the humanitarian workers, reduce the violence and
tensions on the border between East and West Timor, find a
solution for the masses of displaced people in the camps, uphold
international human rights, and maybe even get Indonesia to
enforce its own domestic criminal and human rights laws.

A key part of the threat was the upcoming meeting of the
Consultative Group on Indonesia and Indonesia's desperate need
for an injection of US$4.8 billion.

And what has happened? The Indonesian government dared the
international community to squeeze the country economically at a
time when democracy is so fragile, and the foreigners blinked.

The militia have not been disarmed or withdrawn, the Timor
border remains tense, the displaced Timorese still rot in terror
in the camps, and Eurico Guterres is being hailed as a national
hero during his largely cosmetic detention.

It must make some Indonesians proud to see their government
stand up to international pressures. There hasn't been much to be
proud of lately, and no one likes being told what to do.

But pride and nationalism without principles is cheap. The
government won this latest round of conflict with the
international community. But it is a hollow victory because more
was lost than gained.

Indonesia paid a higher price for the damage caused by the
Soeharto regime than anyone could have predicted. The political
culture became militarized, civil society was actively dismantled
and crushed, and the riches of the country were either wasted or
stolen, while generations to come will have to clean up the mess
and pay the bills.

But worst of all, the basic principles of the people, the
society, and the culture were destroyed. Soeharto and his allies
built a system that turned up into down and wrong into right.
Anything that was once clearly black and white became hopelessly
gray.

Dumbing down the universities and forbiding critical thought,
expression, philosophy, and even critical culture in the arts has
damaged the ability of many Indonesians to think and act
according to the most basic principles of justice that were so
important to the founding of the nation.

This unmeasurable crime against the people ranks in the top
three, together with the exploitative colonialism of the Dutch
and the horrible massacre of perhaps a million people when
Soeharto came to power.

The case of Eurico Guterres illustrates how cheap nationalism
has replaced genuine principles. But to understand why, first we
need a brief review of history.

The Soeharto regime brutally invaded East Timor and then tried
for over two decades to colonize and exploit the territory. It
was an act of aggression, it was against the principles of
justice Indonesia was founded upon, and it was a huge crime
against humanity.

And although they should be ashamed to do so, many former
opposition leaders who now sit in high office aggressively
embrace the Soeharto regime's version of history regarding East
Timor.

Did Indonesia's allies look the other way and then offer
diplomatic and military support? Yes, but it was still the
Soeharto regime that conducted the invasion and occupation, and
at least the international community finally did the right thing
and supported self determination. Better late than never.

Did Indonesian soldiers die trying to take over and occupy
East Timor, and did Jakarta spend development money there over
the years? Yes and yes, but so what? It is like saying Dutch
soldiers who died killing Indonesians to uphold colonialism were
heroes. And who would dare argue that Indonesians should really
be grateful to the exploitative Dutch for building roads,
bridges, and ports?

Returning to Guterres, obviously he is not the only person
responsible for crimes against humanity in East Timor. If we go
back to 1975, there is a long list of figures both in Indonesia
and abroad who have blood on their hands.

But the evidence that Guterres was directly involved in
atrocities is strong. To take a position based on principles
means that although you cannot capture and put everyone
responsible on trial, those who can be brought to justice should
be.

What does it mean when Indonesia's leaders praise Guterres as
a national hero instead of condemning him as a murderer?

The most generous interpretation one can draw is that they buy
the twisted Soeharto version of the invasion and have been brain-
washed into thinking East Timor was genuinely a part of the
country. And thus rape, torture, and murder is justified and even
celebrated as long as it is for the Red and White national flag.

An even less generous interpretation is that treating Guterres
like a national hero is a convenient way to snub the
international community and use nationalist feelings to build
political strength.

Both interpretations share one thing in common: there are no
basic principles of truth and justice involved in either.

Jakarta has used its size and instability as effective tools
to make the international community back down on principled
demands and objectives. It is a sad commentary on the state of
justice in Indonesia when thugs are treated as heroes.