The virtue of democracy indispensable
A number of friendly countries have suggested solutions to Indonesia's problems. Kusnanto Anggoro, a senior researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies and a lecturer in the postgraduate studies program at the University of Indonesia in Jakarta discusses these proposals.
JAKARTA (JP): President Abdurrahman Wahid is struggling for survival, with the shadow of the old regime posing serious challenges for him. The popular view is that former president Soeharto's cronies and some rouge elements in the military are behind the bomb blast at the Jakarta Stock Exchange building, the assassination of a leading gubernatorial candidate in Aceh and the death of three United Nations relief workers in Atambua, West Timor.
Many people have offered solutions to the country's problems. Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad of Malaysia suggested that Abdurrahman take a more autocratic approach, as liberal democracy "cannot and should not be applied to every country".
The former premier of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, called the trial of Soeharto a "mistake", saying Indonesia's "peace and stability require more than just an ideal outcome from the trial".
These suggestions emphasize the need for stability, order and cultural relativism that come from a common misapprehension that democracies lack the power to oppress and the authority to govern.
They are fundamentally wide off the mark. Democracies require their governments be limited, not that they be weak and ineffective. Viewed over the long course of history, democracies do indeed appear fragile and by no means have been immune to the tides of history.
The trial of Soeharto is necessary to show commitment to democracy; that everybody is equal before the law. Bringing the military under civilian rule is important not for the implementation of the western norm of democracy, but to professionalize the military itself.
Meanwhile, the United States and other western countries are calling for liberal democracy and the trial of former political leaders. They are worried whether President Abdurrahman does in fact have control over the military, and will hold accountable those who have committed abuses in East Timor.
To them, Atambua and the bomb blast challenge the virtue of democracy and betray the principle of nonviolence. In democracies, power and authority should not perch easily on the narrow ledge of an unelected apparatus, oligarch or military force.
Concerned over values, however, the West may overlook the urgency of a number of other priorities. Atambua and exerting authority over the military are critical to Abdurrahman. However, he also has to deal with the problem of Aceh, where more than 60 people have been killed in fighting in the past fortnight alone, and in the islands of Maluku, where there have been no meaningful steps toward reaching a permanent end to the 21-month conflict. It is hard to gauge which is the most serious crisis facing President Abdurrahman.
Indonesia cannot go back to its autocratic past; neither can it ensure stability under the current system. Yet democracies have demonstrated remarkable resiliency over time.
Regrettably, nearly four decades of autocratic rule have strengthened the tendency of antiexecutive politics. The passing months have shown that the legislature has failed to become an effective working body, instead interpreting its powers as the ability to torpedo the government rather than trying to work in partnership with it.
One should not assume democracies are efficient in their deliberations. Decision-making in a large, complex society can be a messy, grueling and time-consuming process. In a perilous transition, democracy may collapse from political failure or succumb to internal division.
What we do need is a professional approach to statecraft, dividing power and responsibility, and doing away with irresponsibility and dabbling in politics.
To Abdurrahman, the trial of Soeharto could well be a final "apocalyptic struggle" between the forces of good and evil. It is not just about the trial of graft, but also whether Indonesia is willing to come to terms with its history.
By acting responsibly to resolve this issue now, President Abdurrahman can demonstrate his commitment to the virtue of democracy. He would lose enormous political support if he caved in to terror and violence.
True democrats should not vacillate about the virtue of democracy. President Abdurrahman deserves the support of the people. Maximillien Robespierre (1758-1794), in On the Moral and Political Principles of Domestic Policy, wrote that "when the government lacks virtue, there remains a resource in the people's virtue; but when people themselves are corrupted, liberty is already lost".
No one should harbor a death wish for democracy.