The 'UMNO-ization' of Thai politics
The Nation, Asia News Network, Bangkok
Thaksin Shinawatra came to power a year ago promising voters a "new political era". And indeed he managed to make good his word. But unfortunately Thaksin's brand of "new politics" does not necessarily have to conform with the people's expectations.
It cannot be denied that we now have a "new political era" -- but one that in many aspects defies conventional democratic principles. When the reformist Constitution was introduced in 1997, we were made to believe that the foundation for cleaner politics had been laid and in time a new class of politicians who represented a clean break from the past would emerge.
For a while, Thais could not help but feel euphoric about the prospects of political reform. The impressive job done by the Election Commission in weeding out cheats in the country's election of senators and the performance of independent organizations like the Counter Corruption Commission and the Constitution Court also heightened the public's expectations.
Then came Thaksin, a tycoon-turned-politician who portrayed himself as a new-age politician promising to bring Thailand to a new political high. That was a year ago. And what a difference a year can make!
His preoccupation with implementing his populist election platforms has made everything else secondary. And what has suffered the most as a result is probably political reform. Either for political expediency or for his own political survival Thaksin has effectively slowed down the pace of reform. As the record shows, the first casualty was the independent organizations set up under the reformist Constitution.
His disdain for independent organizations was closely tied to his indictment by the National Counter Corruption Commission and subsequently his trial in the Constitution Court. Though he was eventually acquitted by the court, his attitude toward these independent organizations only hardened. He made the famous remark that with more than 11 million voters behind him he would not have to care about what independent agencies had to say about him.
Then he moved on to silence his critics, tightening control on state-owned media and hitting back mercilessly at academics and businessmen who questioned his political integrity and the effectiveness of his populist campaign policies. Even the privately owned print media felt pressure from business corporations closely associated with him. While enjoying the manipulation of the broadcast media, Thaksin intentionally leaves the reform of radio and TV frequencies in a limbo.
Obviously more concerned about his political longevity than pursuing real political reform, Thaksin went on to consolidate his already unbreakable control over the House of Representatives by having the New Aspiration Party, the second largest coalition partner, merge with his Thai Rak Thai Party. And he is now only a few steps away from forcing Chat Pattana into the same fate.
Though he is not ready to admit it, Thaksin's aim is to create what amounts to a "parliamentary dictatorship" -- one which will allow him total control of a House where the Opposition's voice is too small to be meaningful. It would also enable him to introduce and amend laws, including the Constitution, without dissension. It is no secret that the merger is the first step toward fulfilling Thaksin's dream of creating an UMNO-like political monolith (in reference to Malaysia's United Malay National Organization).
The appointment last week of Suchart Tancharoen as deputy House speaker is a clear demonstration of his disregard for public opinion. Suchart, a veteran MP of the New Aspiration Party, belonged to the notorious "Group of 16" politicians who came to represent the darker side of Thai politics during their heyday. The political career of Suchart and his peers would have ended years ago had it not been for the generosity of some old- school politicians who admitted them into their fold.
Thaksin and his Thai Rak Thai, with their comfortable House majority, could have easily blocked Suchart's nomination. Their support for him has erased any notion that they stand for political reform.
Thaksin obviously hopes that an economic turn-around will eventually exonerate him of his political heavy-handedness. He seems to be betting on the belief that during hard times Thais would prefer economic well-being to political reform.
But Thaksin definitely needs to be reminded that in a democratic society like Thailand the one is certainly not a substitute for the other.