The Sukarno factor

The Sukarno factor

Twenty-five years after his demise, the memory of the late
first president of Indonesia, Sukarno, still looms over this
country's political scene.

Last week's decision by the East Java provincial authorities
to take charge of the commemoration in Blitar of the 25th
anniversary of the death of Sukarno, which occurs today, is the
latest indication of the legacy Sukarno left behind in this
country's politics.

The unprecedented move, based on the idea that, as the
proclaimer of Indonesia's independence, Sukarno belongs to the
entire nation, and not only to his family, has come as somewhat
of a surprise. By taking over the conducting of the anniversary
commemorations, previously carried out by Sukarno's family, the
authorities seems to be revealing concern over the possibility of
a Sukarno "threat".

Ironically, instead of preventing Sukarno's family from
politicizing the event -- which one might surmise to be the
reason behind the move -- one can see that the event has been
catapulted into an even brighter political spotlight.

Many people also wonder why there seems to have been such a
lack of coordination as regards the matter. On Friday, the East
Java military commander Maj. Gen. Imam Utomo decided to ban all
speeches during the event, saying the participants would only be
allowed to offer prayers. Then, on Sunday, East Java's Governor
Basofi Sudirman stated that speeches could be made, but that no
politicking would be tolerated. But, last Saturday, the Minister
of Home Affairs Yogie S. Memed reportedly stated that he
preferred making the event a Sukarno family affair.

The lack of coordination aside, the ebbs and flows of
Sukarno's stature are interesting to study. After having fallen
into disgrace because of his allegedly pro-communist stance in
the 1965 communist coup, Sukarno died of disease and loneliness
in 1970. But in the late 1970s his popularity suddenly returned.
Attempts by some officials to downgrade Sukarno's name, including
by denying his role as the conceiver of the state ideology
Pancasila, failed.

The government has since wisely and rightly recognized
Sukarno, together with Moh. Hatta, as the proclaimer of this
nation's independence. Their names have been immortalized in
Jakarta's international airport.

However, scores of officials continue to express displeasure
over Sukarno's popularity, notably among the younger generation.
They cannot understand why those young people idolize Sukarno, as
a number of surveys have shown, without having sufficient
knowledge of him.

The present concern over a possible Sukarno threat may be
linked to the stronger showing of the Indonesian Democratic Party
(PDI) in the last few general elections. The PDI, which is
dominated by the former Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI) -- the
party founded by Sukarno in the 1920s -- somehow continues to
tacitly capitalize on Sukarno's name. The election of Sukarno's
eldest daughter Megawati to the top PDI post in 1993, despite
efforts to stop her, naturally added to the concern.

Many people believe that the attempts by rebel party members
to unseat Megawati from the chair of PDI -- the most flagrant
attempts being in East Java, where Megawati has repeatedly been
barred from visiting local party chapters -- might have been
backed by the authorities. And the possible alliance between PDI
and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the biggest Moslem organization in this
country, has apparently caused efforts to destabilize the PDI to
mount.

The move by the East Javanese authorities to take over the
holding of the commemoration of the 25th anniversary of Sukarno's
death should be seen in this context.

We are afraid, however, that such moves may backfire. The
reason is that the masses of better educated young Indonesians
are wiser and more antagonistic towards what they perceive as
undemocratic policies. The more overt (and ill-concealed covert)
pressure is put on the PDI, the more its popularity is likely to
be boosted. As the oppressed party it might gain sympathy.

Many people see in Megawati -- and in the PDI, for that matter
-- a personification of Sukarno. And Sukarno somehow symbolizes a
different, if not opposite, set of values and norms from that
which currently prevail. Simplicity, for example, or the wong
cilik (common man) phenomenon.

We, therefore, think it is advisable for all parties concerned
to be as wise and fair as possible in dealing with the current
situation involving PDI.