The Soeharto factor
The Soeharto factor
Abdurrahman Wahid, often known for going against the current
of public opinion, stunned the nation once again over the weekend
when he suggested the inclusion of former president Soeharto in a
national dialog. As we know, Gus Dur, as the chairman of
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) is popularly known, is campaigning for a
national dialog to resolve the cumulative crises facing
Indonesia, which he said bordered on a social revolution.
Gus Dur argues that Soeharto remains a force to reckon with in
Indonesian politics and, as such, cannot be excluded in any
efforts to bring the political crisis to an end.
No one disputes Gus Dur's claim of the former president's
massive political power and influence. Soeharto still commands
loyal support from many followers and supporters, an inevitable
legacy from more than three decades in power. He also has
financial clout, if not through the funds that he directly
commands, then the wealth his children and cronies have amassed.
One of the reasons why Gus Dur was prompted to bring Soeharto
back into the loop, if not the fold, is the swirling allegation
the former president or his supporters were behind some of the
massive security disruptions in Indonesia in recent months. The
authorities have been unable (or unwilling) to satisfactorily
explain the killings of black magic practitioners and Muslim
clerics in East Java, the shooting of student protesters, or the
incitement of people to burn churches in Jakarta and mosques in
Kupang. As the popular conspiracy theory goes, the conflicts were
sowed and disruptions designed to pave the way for the
Soehartoists to return to power.
It is one thing to recognize Soeharto's immense power and
influence in this country, and it is completely another to give
him legitimacy, which is what Gus Dur essentially proposes by
including Soeharto in his planned national dialog.
Soeharto was one of the three components that made up the
repressive New Order regime, along with Golkar, his political
machine, and the Armed Forces (ABRI) through its sociopolitical
role. Together, the three forces kept the nation in perpetual
ignorance and tyrannical repression for more than 30 years.
The reform movement has removed Soeharto from that equation,
but the other two factors remain. ABRI is slowly, but
reluctantly, giving up some of its political privileges, while
Golkar has been fighting hard to fend off challenges from within
and without to stay in power. Both are cloaking themselves in the
reform mantle, with ABRI announcing a new paradigm, and Golkar
belatedly taking up the reform torch under the leadership of
Akbar Tandjung. But both still have to prove their commitment to
reform amid the strong public suspicion they are simply vestiges
of the old Soeharto regime.
Given that the leadership of both Golkar and ABRI are closely
identified with Soeharto, it is not surprising the suspicions
abound. Unfortunately, recent events and actions by both Golkar
and ABRI have reinforced rather than dispelled the suspicion.
This explains why the reform movement, led by university
students, has intensified rather than ebbed in recent months to
keep up the pressure on those in power to ensure that the nation
will not go back to repressive practices of the old regime and
will indeed move towards a civil society.
Putting Soeharto back into the equation, as Gus Dur proposes,
will simply strengthen grasping hands of those old forces of the
New Order. Even without Soeharto, Golkar and ABRI still call most
of the shots and determine the national political agenda. It will
be a major setback for the reform movement but it won't kill it.
Gus Dur's proposal is an insult to those who have given their
blood, sweat, tears, and lives, in the quest for reform.
Irrespective of the outcome of Gus Dur's campaign, Soeharto's
return in whatever form will not likely break the spirit of the
reform movement. On the contrary, the realization of Soeharto's
still immense political power and influence will further
strengthen the resolve of the reform campaigners. At the very
least, they realize they face a tall but not insurmountable wall.
This realization has also redefined the reform objectives. The
main challenge to the reform movement is to remove the last
vestiges of power of all those New Order forces, and not just
Soeharto, once and for all.