The significance of the Asia-Africa commemoration

Jusuf Wanandi, Jakarta

The 50th anniversary of the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung, or the Bandung conference, provides a good opportunity to take stock of what the results have been of such a bold and strategic move.

The success of the 1955 conference was a remarkable achievement for developing nations during the period of decolonization after World War II. Its aim was to support and quicken the process of decolonization, particularly on the African continent, by showing solidarity among the developing parts of Asia and Africa.

Two things have to be mentioned here:

First, historically the idea of decolonization originated with the U.S., through the insistence of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt that the process after World War II had to be taken seriously by the colonial powers, which had been saved by the U.S. against the Nazi Axis that instigated World War II.

Second, the Bandung conference was the first time the People's Republic of China had been given a platform and introduced to the world and the Asia-Africa region as an independent nation and a potential leader.

What has also become obvious over the last 50 years is the divergence between East Asia and Africa in their development. In geo-political and geo-economic terms East Asia might include India, Australia and New Zealand. Economic development in East Asia has been following the "flying-geese" pattern, led by the Japan, which moved from light industry exports to the heavy, high-tech and service industries. It was followed by the newly industrialized economies (NIEs, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore) and then the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and last, but not least, China.

The 1997 financial crisis in East Asia put the brakes on the fast growth of the previous 25 years, and brought about new challenges for the region. Though, five to six years on, most of the crisis-affected countries had managed to get back on their feet and resume their economic development. China was not affected by the crisis and is still moving forward, and possibly will continue to do so for the next 20 to 30 years.

India's economy is now catching up, after growing five to six percent annually in the last decade.

In a sense, state-building might be slightly stronger in East Asia than in Africa, because stronger cultural history and traditions have existed in most parts of Asia. This includes the process of state-building, in the form of old traditions such as kingdoms, but also empires in the cases of China and India.

After the first successful Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung, the second one in 1965 was aborted due to Boummedienne's coup d'etat in Algiers against Ben Bella. However, there were already some divisions within the group, when the non-aligned movement was established in 1960, the Chinese-India border war broke out in 1962, and amid China's political and economic turmoil resulting from the great 1958-1960 leap forward, which was followed by the cultural revolution in 1966. Furthermore, the Vietnam War created a division in Southeast Asia from the mid 1960s until the late 1970s.

What is the significance of the Asia-Africa spirit, aside from a sense of solidarity, as has been expressed in variations on the South-South Cooperation and the Group of 77 at the United Nations?

It has not been an all-encompassing legacy. What has emerged is a sense of regionalism and sub-regionalism that has become a more effective mechanism to face common challenges. In Africa there was the Organization of Africa Unity (OAU), now the African Union, which has given Africa a sense of solidarity and cooperation. In East Asia, the establishment of ASEAN in Southeast Asia gradually developed into wider regional solidarity toward an East Asian community.

On the basis of these regional institutions, broader based cooperation among Asia (East Asia) and Africa (or an effective part of it) could be promoted. In that sense, the commemoration of the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference will have positive impacts for the future.

The two sides could exchange experiences after being apart for most of the 50 years since the Bandung conference. While Asia has moved forward, not many in Asia are aware of how Africa has been faring (not too badly, according to the media). They can learn from each other and explore areas that would be mutually beneficial to develop.

It is important that Asia and Africa open up communications and exchange ideas for future cooperation. This should not be limited to governments and the bureaucracy, but should include the people, politicians, civil societies, academic circles and businesspeople. Particular attention should be given to the younger generation.

In relation to the South-South Cooperation, Indonesia has had trilateral programs between donor countries such as Japan and Saudi Arabia, where Indonesian experts and professionals assist with various kinds of technology transfers in some African countries. This kind of cooperation is relevant and feasible and can be expanded as follow-up to the Asian-African Summit. The stages of development and technology of many Asian countries would no doubt be relevant to developing Africa, since they are not very far ahead.

Africa has a long-term vision for the future and through the African Union it tries to achieve this step-by-step. African nations are more advanced than their Asian counterparts in their willingness to "intervene" in each other affairs. They have regional peace-keeping forces, a human rights court and other relevant institutions. If they can embark on sustained economic development efforts and can overcome some of their intransigent problems, such as the slow development of political institutions and human resources, and disabling diseases (HIV/AIDS, malaria and other viruses/diseases), they will soon be on the way to becoming the next NIEs.

Cooperation between Asian and Africans nations could be one of the catalysts for the development of this potential, and to achieve much quicker and more solid development.

The writer is Co-founder, Member of the Board of Trustees, and Senior Fellow, Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta.