The House and reform
The House and reform
The wind of change is blowing through this country at
unbelievable speed and nobody seems able to stop the very force
of this phenomenon.
Yesterday's decision by the House of Representatives
leadership to support popular calls for President Soeharto to
step down is one of the greatest surprises in the course of our
nation's struggle for complete reform.
The announcement was made after House factions received a
delegation of students demanding Soeharto's resignation as well
as that of Vice President BJ Habibie. The decision was, of
course, somewhat unbelievable since many members of the
legislature have close connections with the President. But it
nonetheless serves as a long-expected blessing. Should President
Soeharto heed the calls of the House, it would save the country
from prolonged uncertainty, anarchy and bloodshed.
The fact that House Speaker Harmoko, who announced the
decision, had been a staunch opponent of the type of reform
called for by the student movement and that the House has long
been branded a rubber stamp legislature are noteworthy when
viewing this sudden decision.
Many Indonesians, astounded by the swiftness of events, are
now joking that the mice are jumping from the sinking ship --
Harmoko, in particular, showing himself as an adept escape artist
by jumping onto the bandwagon of change.
Nobody expected such a shift from the country's legislative
leadership, especially since Soeharto has repeatedly signaled
that he is not willing to step down, saying so in coded messages
wrapped in the clothes of democracy. Thus Harmoko should be happy
to see how enthusiastically the people welcomed his statement
yesterday, though he should gracefully accept those who say that
he is a true example that in politics there is no permanent
loyalty but to one's own self.
According to the Indonesian system, what the House must do now
is first discuss the issue in a plenary session. Should Golkar
and the military factions which make up the majority in the House
reject the leadership's decision, then Harmoko, who is also
Golkar's chairman, may find himself replaced. It should be noted
that Soeharto is the Armed Forces commander in chief and Golkar's
father figure -- positions that wield great respect in the formal
political structure.
It would be premature to conclude that the House will accept
Harmoko's call for Soeharto's resignation, especially in light of
a subsequent announcement made by Minister of Defense/Armed
Forces Commander Gen. Wiranto stating that the speaker's decision
did not necessarily mirror the views of the House at large.
In light of this, public reaction to the debate developing in
the House may play a significant role in the coming days. It
remains to be seen just what the student movement and others
calling for total reform will do at this juncture.
However, if the House agrees with the leadership's call for
Soeharto's resignation, it would then order an extraordinary
meeting of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the
country's highest constitutional body.
The MPR would have to decide whether it wished to take back
the presidential mandate and bestow the office to another, making
it possible for the establishment of a new administration which
would hopefully be a joint venture between civilians and the
military alike.
Many foreign readers might find the Indonesian national
succession system perplexing, but it is our hope that, should it
be necessary, it would be done both constitutionally and
peacefully.