The House and reform

The wind of change is blowing through this country at unbelievable speed and nobody seems able to stop the very force of this phenomenon.

Yesterday's decision by the House of Representatives leadership to support popular calls for President Soeharto to step down is one of the greatest surprises in the course of our nation's struggle for complete reform.

The announcement was made after House factions received a delegation of students demanding Soeharto's resignation as well as that of Vice President BJ Habibie. The decision was, of course, somewhat unbelievable since many members of the legislature have close connections with the President. But it nonetheless serves as a long-expected blessing. Should President Soeharto heed the calls of the House, it would save the country from prolonged uncertainty, anarchy and bloodshed.

The fact that House Speaker Harmoko, who announced the decision, had been a staunch opponent of the type of reform called for by the student movement and that the House has long been branded a rubber stamp legislature are noteworthy when viewing this sudden decision.

Many Indonesians, astounded by the swiftness of events, are now joking that the mice are jumping from the sinking ship -- Harmoko, in particular, showing himself as an adept escape artist by jumping onto the bandwagon of change.

Nobody expected such a shift from the country's legislative leadership, especially since Soeharto has repeatedly signaled that he is not willing to step down, saying so in coded messages wrapped in the clothes of democracy. Thus Harmoko should be happy to see how enthusiastically the people welcomed his statement yesterday, though he should gracefully accept those who say that he is a true example that in politics there is no permanent loyalty but to one's own self.

According to the Indonesian system, what the House must do now is first discuss the issue in a plenary session. Should Golkar and the military factions which make up the majority in the House reject the leadership's decision, then Harmoko, who is also Golkar's chairman, may find himself replaced. It should be noted that Soeharto is the Armed Forces commander in chief and Golkar's father figure -- positions that wield great respect in the formal political structure.

It would be premature to conclude that the House will accept Harmoko's call for Soeharto's resignation, especially in light of a subsequent announcement made by Minister of Defense/Armed Forces Commander Gen. Wiranto stating that the speaker's decision did not necessarily mirror the views of the House at large.

In light of this, public reaction to the debate developing in the House may play a significant role in the coming days. It remains to be seen just what the student movement and others calling for total reform will do at this juncture.

However, if the House agrees with the leadership's call for Soeharto's resignation, it would then order an extraordinary meeting of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the country's highest constitutional body.

The MPR would have to decide whether it wished to take back the presidential mandate and bestow the office to another, making it possible for the establishment of a new administration which would hopefully be a joint venture between civilians and the military alike.

Many foreign readers might find the Indonesian national succession system perplexing, but it is our hope that, should it be necessary, it would be done both constitutionally and peacefully.