The experience of Islam in multicultural Malaysia

Muhamad Ali, Hawaii, U.S.A.

Islam in Malaysia remains moderate, it is often argued. In response to the Singaporean senior leader Lee Kuan Yew, who recently commented that Malaysia was increasingly predominated by pro-Islam leaders and to similar Western voices, Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi asserted that Malaysia is not taking the path toward extremism. Yet, this public diplomacy does not necessarily mean that no struggle has taken place within Muslim groups in the country.

Muslims are usually called "moderate" by becoming "democratic" and "modern". When compared to Indonesians, Malaysian Muslims have fewer religious organizations, but they are educationally and technologically becoming more "modern". In Michael Peletz's words, Malaysia is "Islamic modern". Malaysian scholars, Azmi Aziz and Shamsul A.B, have shared the notion that sociological realities, namely a pluralistic society, secular government and modernity, have resulted in the creation of "moderate" Islam in Malaysia.

Unlike Indonesia, which has about 230 million people, Malaysia has only about 26 million (Malays about 56 percent, Chinese 25 percent, Indian 8 percent). Unlike Indonesia, which subscribes to Pancasila (five pillars of state-ordained ideology) as the state philosophy, Malaysia gives Islam an official status, while recognizing religious diversity. In Malaysia, religion and ethnicity are closely interwoven. To be Malay one has to be Muslim. If a Chinese or Indian wants to be fully integrated into Malay society, he or she should speak Malay and adhere to the Malay religion.

As Prof. Leonard Andaya observed, there is a strengthened identification of Islam with Malayness. Therefore, Islam continues to comprise the major line of religious demarcation between the Malays and non-Malays. There exists an "ethnicization of Islam" and Islamization of ethnicity in Malaysia, a process not present in Indonesia.

Ethnic prejudices and in-group feelings may still be present in Malaysians' daily lives. Interestingly, although the government privileges given to Malays in the field of education, business and public administration to bring them up to the level of the other ethnic groups, called Bumiputera (the people of the soil), they have managed to ensure political stability and economic advancement. Differences and prejudices have not turned into social unrest or riots, which could harm stability and progress. After the 1969 riot there has not been any significant racial, ethnic or religious unrest as is so common in Indonesia's Kalimantan, Maluku and Java.

While major Islamic organizations (Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah, Persatuan Islam, and more) have colored the face of Indonesian Islam, fewer Islamic organizations are present in Malaysia although there are some religious orientations like NU (more conservative old faction/Kaum Tua) or like Muhammadiyah (more reformist young faction/Kaum Muda). Traditionalism, neo- traditionalism, modernism, neo-modernism and even Islamic secularism are also present in Malaysia.

The dakwah movements, such as Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (Malaysian Islamic Youth Organization, ABIM) with the slogan "Islam first, Malay second", have played an important role in shaping religiosity of contemporary Malays. The current popularity of headscarves among Malay women, the importance of halal (permissible) food, the popular use of Arabic names, the establishment of Islamic banks and universities, and other Islamic projects show an increasing "Islamic hegemony", as the outcome of both civil and state Islamization programs.

There are now fewer major political parties in Malaysia than in Indonesia. Most Malays, Chinese and Indians are for the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), while the Pan-Malayan Islamic Party (PAS) gained its major support in the state of Kelantan, less in Trengganu and Kedah, and even less in other states. The Dominance of UMNO in Alliance (Barisan Nasional) assures privileges for Malays. Mahathir Mohammad introduced the concept of the "new Malay" which implies a transformed Malay identity with a high economic profile and a Malay with increased religiosity.

The struggle between "political Islam" and "cultural Islam" has also taken place in Malaysia. There are still differences between the Islam of PAS under Nik Abdul Aziz and the Islam of UMNO under Mahathir Mohammad and now Abdullah Badawi. PAS keeps criticizing the kind of Islamization of UMNO. Recently, when Abdullah Badawi and some groups promote a Civilized Islam' (Islam Hadhari), emphasizing cultural and scientific approaches to Islam, PAS leaders challenge this by promoting "Islamic Civilization" (Hadharah Islamiyyah), which stresses that Islam is a totality of life. PAS has often blamed UMNO of marginalizing Islam as the complete way of life.

PAS development is dynamic and changing according to local and global contexts; its political programs are not necessarily "extreme" when compared to the Taliban in Afghanistan or other reactionary groups elsewhere. PAS can today be compared with the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Indonesia, although the former is more actively promoting the enactment of the hudud (criminal) legislation particularly in Kelantan. Anwar Ibrahim, now being marginalized, for example, has expressed his agreement with some of PAS' ideas of promoting discourses on social justice and clean governance.

Apart from UMNO and PAS, more liberal Muslims continue to challenge conservative and more political Muslims. Sisters in Islam and smaller non-government organizations have recently considered promoting values such as human rights, religious tolerance and substantive religiosity. A few publications have also been promoting more colorful interpretations of Islam. In addition, TV programs and art performances show a combination of tradition and modernity. Modern and postmodern cultures using Islamic themes are also present. The struggle also continues against such problems as corruption, vote-buying, moral decadence, social injustice and human rights violations.

Thus, although the government has played a moderating role in ethnic and religious affairs, and has served as an agent of modernism, the time will tell whether it too will succumb to even greater Islamic measures. One thing is for sure however: The struggle of Islam will continue within a multicultural Malaysia and in a changing world.

The writer is a PhD candidate in History at the University of Hawaii at Manoa; He is pursuing his doctoral research in Malaysia, Indonesia, Holland and the U.S. He can be reached at muhali74@hotmail.com