The end of elite games in Indonesian politics

James Van Zorge, Jakarta

If nothing else could be concluded from the first round of Indonesia's presidential elections, it should be this: The old game of elitist politics in deciding the presidential election is officially over.

In the times of Soeharto, who would win the presidency was preordained. Then we had Habibie, with a motley band of patrons and crony politicians competing to become his successor, winning the presidency was essentially a function of 700-odd men and women making deals in smoke-filled rooms behind closed doors. It was a private affair, not for public debate.

Now facing direct elections, the political elite should realize that the "sport of kings" has become a sport for the masses.

The key success factor in winning elections today is appealing to the electorate, not money politics or horsetrading. If there were any doubters to this new reality, the results of the first round should have acted as a catalyst for a string of epiphanies amongst the elite; without any political machinery behind him, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's popularity with Indonesians was sufficient to place him squarely as the front-runner in the run- up to round two in September.

Regardless, some of the elite still don't "get it". Akbar Tandjung, chairman of Golkar, has been busy horsetrading with leaders of Megawati's PDI-P. Ostensibly, in return for cabinet posts being promised to Golkar politicians, Akbar is supposed to turn on the Golkar machinery to move his party's voters for supporting Megawati's candidacy. Strangely enough, Megawati seems to have forgotten that the much-touted magic of the Golkar machinery during round one turned out to be, for the most part, a mirage.

Meanwhile, other members of the Golkar leadership have been courting Susilo for a coalition, and losing candidates Amien Rais and Wiranto have started to contemplate how they can leverage on their loyalist base to build a coalition with one of the finalist candidates. The possible permutations in this dance of coalition partners seem endless, as does the degree of political self- delusion.

Perhaps the most telling sign that the party elite does not understand that the old rules don't apply any longer is the statement by Akbar Tandjung after his announcing his coalition with Megawati that "all the elements of Golkar in the regions, in the provinces and in the villages are obliged to follow this decision".

Contrary to Akbar's wishful thinking that he can decree how voters should exercise their right to elect the president, most Indonesians have already proven that they know what a democracy means -- millionaires and street hawkers have equal rights to vote, and are free to vote with their conscience.

For sure, most of the Golkar elite are not thinking about what is in the better interest of the country and its citizenry. When asked recently about Golkar's coalition with the incumbent, a party leader said that "supporting Megawati would pave the way for us to regain control over the presidency in the next general election, as Megawati, if elected, would constitutionally be barred from running again". That's fine for the party, perhaps, but what about the voters, Golkar?

As further proof that the elite still does not fully understand that this is a new game, some party heads are now saying that the finalist candidates should announce their cabinets before election day, hence enabling voters to better assess the candidates and their intentions. On the contrary, pre-election day cabinet appointments would only divert attention away from the fact that voters are choosing their next president, not a cabinet.

If a candidate's policy platform is clear and compelling, then there should never be a need for a presidential hopeful to grasp at names to win over the hearts and minds of the voters.

In the final analysis, politicians would be well-served to remember that "ordinary people" could not care less about which party elites and candidates are shaking whose hands.

What most Indonesians will be asking on election day is not what the elite can do for each other, but what can they do for them.

The writer is a partner of Van Zorge, Heffernan & Associates, a political risk and government relations firm.