The East Timor ballot
Should the referendum in East Timor be delayed or go as scheduled? This controversy, minor though it may seem on the surface -- after all, what difference does a delay of a mere two weeks make -- could be the first open indication of the disparate positions which Indonesia and the United Nations are taking with regard to the question of granting the people of East Timor their right to self-determination.
In the view of the UN secretary-general, Kofi Annan, a delay in the ballot is necessary due to continuing violence between pro- and anti-independence factions in the former Portuguese colony, which Indonesia declared its 27th province after it was abandoned in the 1970s by its colonial masters. Despite official assurances from Indonesia that the situation was under control, independent reports have made a mention of escalating violence in the territory over the past weeks. According to Amnesty International, at least 34 people were killed in East Timor since May 5.
Indonesia, on the other hand, believes a delay is unnecessary. "We don't believe there should be a delay," foreign minister Ali Alatas said. "We believe the security situation is continuously improving and we are quite sure that by Aug.8 (the planned date of the ballot), or far before it, the security situation will be fully conducive." Any delay, he said, should only be because of technical reasons affecting the work of the UN Assistance Mission in East Timor (UNAMET). "If that's the reason for the delay, then we can be rational about it."
With his comment, the foreign minister makes it seem as though the main cause of his objection to the proposed delay is the implied allegation that the Indonesian Police are incapable of maintaining peace and order in the territory -- or indeed, that the military is backing the unruly pro-Indonesia militias operating in East Timor in order to influence the outcome in favor of Indonesia. Official denials notwithstanding, reports of continued violence, mostly instigated by the militias, have continued to fill the pages of the international media.
Alatas may have his own reasons for his optimism regarding the security situation. But whatever they may be, as of this day, the security situation in East Timor appears far from settled. Independent media reports have claimed that between 40,000 and 50,000 East Timorese -- or about 5 percent of the half-island's population of 800,000 -- have been forced to become refugees and are now living in appalling conditions in camps, many of which are controlled by pro-Indonesia militias.
Indonesian officials have denied allegations that the military are trying to influence the vote by force. Still, Indonesia cannot and does not take the matter of East Timor lightly. At stake is whether East Timor will remain within Indonesia as an autonomous part, or become an independent nation, free of any imposed ties with its huge neighbor. And while Indonesian officials have officially insisted they will leave the decision to the people of East Timor, it is obvious that the best solution to the long drawn-out problem would be, as far as they are concerned, for the East Timorese to opt to stay with Indonesia. After all, trillions of rupiah have been spent developing the former Portuguese colony, not to mention the loss of face the government would suffer by giving up East Timor. No less important are the Indonesian soldiers who have given their lives for what they believe is the just cause of keeping East Timor within Indonesia.
In any case, assuming that all the parties involved -- Indonesia, the UN and the East Timorese -- are sincere in their endeavor to hold a free and impartial ballot to determine the future of East Timor, then the only way to ensure the necessary peace and order for the process is by inviting an international peace-keeping force to oversee the process. As long as the responsibility for security in the region is entrusted to the Indonesian government only, it will always be open to allegations of foul play.