The East Timor ballot

The East Timor ballot

Should the referendum in East Timor be delayed or go as
scheduled? This controversy, minor though it may seem on the
surface -- after all, what difference does a delay of a mere two
weeks make -- could be the first open indication of the disparate
positions which Indonesia and the United Nations are taking with
regard to the question of granting the people of East Timor their
right to self-determination.

In the view of the UN secretary-general, Kofi Annan, a delay
in the ballot is necessary due to continuing violence between
pro- and anti-independence factions in the former Portuguese
colony, which Indonesia declared its 27th province after it was
abandoned in the 1970s by its colonial masters. Despite official
assurances from Indonesia that the situation was under control,
independent reports have made a mention of escalating violence in
the territory over the past weeks. According to Amnesty
International, at least 34 people were killed in East Timor since
May 5.

Indonesia, on the other hand, believes a delay is unnecessary.
"We don't believe there should be a delay," foreign minister Ali
Alatas said. "We believe the security situation is continuously
improving and we are quite sure that by Aug.8 (the planned date
of the ballot), or far before it, the security situation will be
fully conducive." Any delay, he said, should only be because of
technical reasons affecting the work of the UN Assistance Mission
in East Timor (UNAMET). "If that's the reason for the delay, then
we can be rational about it."

With his comment, the foreign minister makes it seem as though
the main cause of his objection to the proposed delay is the
implied allegation that the Indonesian Police are incapable of
maintaining peace and order in the territory -- or indeed, that
the military is backing the unruly pro-Indonesia militias
operating in East Timor in order to influence the outcome in
favor of Indonesia. Official denials notwithstanding, reports of
continued violence, mostly instigated by the militias, have
continued to fill the pages of the international media.

Alatas may have his own reasons for his optimism regarding the
security situation. But whatever they may be, as of this day, the
security situation in East Timor appears far from settled.
Independent media reports have claimed that between 40,000 and
50,000 East Timorese -- or about 5 percent of the half-island's
population of 800,000 -- have been forced to become refugees and
are now living in appalling conditions in camps, many of which
are controlled by pro-Indonesia militias.

Indonesian officials have denied allegations that the military
are trying to influence the vote by force. Still, Indonesia
cannot and does not take the matter of East Timor lightly. At
stake is whether East Timor will remain within Indonesia as an
autonomous part, or become an independent nation, free of any
imposed ties with its huge neighbor. And while Indonesian
officials have officially insisted they will leave the decision
to the people of East Timor, it is obvious that the best solution
to the long drawn-out problem would be, as far as they are
concerned, for the East Timorese to opt to stay with Indonesia.
After all, trillions of rupiah have been spent developing the
former Portuguese colony, not to mention the loss of face the
government would suffer by giving up East Timor. No less
important are the Indonesian soldiers who have given their lives
for what they believe is the just cause of keeping East Timor
within Indonesia.

In any case, assuming that all the parties involved --
Indonesia, the UN and the East Timorese -- are sincere in their
endeavor to hold a free and impartial ballot to determine the
future of East Timor, then the only way to ensure the necessary
peace and order for the process is by inviting an international
peace-keeping force to oversee the process. As long as the
responsibility for security in the region is entrusted to the
Indonesian government only, it will always be open to allegations
of foul play.