Susilo holds power through policy councils

Susilo holds power through policy councils

Meidyatama Suryodiningrat, Jakarta

Every president has his or her own style. Soeharto in his later
years was very hands-off while nevertheless keeping a strong grip
on the policy thrust of his Cabinet. His ministers were given a
free reign as long as they kept within very strict corridors.
When he did interject, there was no room for negotiation. His
word was law.

The role of presidential aides under B.J. Habibie superseded
that of Cabinet ministers. Key policies were conceptualized not
by the ministers but by confidantes of the same ideological ilk
as Habibie.

Abdurrahman Wahid wanted to be a hands-on president but simply
could not grasp anything in a coordinated and cognizant manner.
He may have been visionary and his heart was probably in the
right place. Nevertheless, his actions only aggravated rather
than alleviated problems. His inconsistency gave his subordinates
nightmares. His management skills were non-existent.

His successor, Megawati Soekarnoputri, did no better. While
enjoying the pomp and pageantry of the presidency, she seemed
oblivious to details, resulting in embarrassing policy
miscalculations. These small but frequent miscues eventually
contributed to her electoral defeat.

Now comes Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. A man known for his strict
sense of protocol and propriety, and his antipathy to delegating
power.

An anomaly of sorts, Susilo has a reputation of being a strong
man, but at the same being naturally indecisive. It was his
desire to please that resulted in a rather uninspiring Cabinet
selection last week.

While key policy decisions could well be a flip-flop affair
during his presidency, it is likely that Susilo will adopt a
hands-on approach to his administration.

The daily running of the government will still be in the hands
of the respective ministries. But in areas of strategic national
importance, vital security interests, and the priority areas
identified by the President, there is a strong likelihood that
Susilo will want to personally set the agenda and ensure his
directives are strictly implemented.

One of the ways of implementing direct control and oversight
over such a large administration is through the establishment of
policy councils.

The embryos of the councils are modeled on those at the
disposal of the American president. Since the 1970s, councils
have served as an important arm of the White House in formulating
and exercising policy.

We have heard of Susilo's intention of establishing at least
two councils -- one for security and the other on the economy. A
third, on domestic policy, should also be considered.

In practice, a council-by-another-name already exists in the
form of the regular coordinating meetings on political and
security affairs. The functions of the limited cabinet meetings
on economic affairs that have been held since the Soeharto era
are also akin to those of the proposed economic council.

But these new councils are expected to become more
authoritative. The primary aim of their establishment will be to
centralize control of policy-making by placing primary
responsibility in the hands of the President and his most trusted
aides. In other words, policy-making control will be concentrated
in the palace. It is unlikely that Susilo will become a
freewheeling policy tsar, but the fact that these councils will
afford him a coordinated policy-making apparatus means that they
will be indispensable tools of authoritative governance.

Each Cabinet minister will react differently to the existence
of these councils. Some ministers might specifically seek the a
council's involvement in matters pertaining to their respective
portfolios as this would bring with it the distinction of
presidential interest. Others, especially ministers who are
seeking to avoid presidential scrutiny, will try to prevent a
council's involvement in those areas perceived as being his or
her fiefs.

At least four key roles may be advanced for the councils. The
first is to serve as think tanks in developing new proposals in
support of Susilo's personal agenda. Council meetings would help
increase the capacity of other senior -- outspoken and trusted --
ministers to provide input to their peers outside of their
immediate portfolios.

We can imagine, for example, how someone like Sri Mulyani
Indrawati would excel in such an environment by providing direct
economic policy input beyond her immediate role as head of the
National Planning Board.

The second role of the councils is to function as coordinating
bodies to integrate the work of various departments and
government agencies toward the achievement of a stated agenda.
The councils would also ensure that these goals are being worked
for properly by the relevant department and agencies.
Consequently, this would allow for managability and even
efficiency in the overall policy-making and implementation
process.

The third role is to act as a forum for the development of
legislative strategy on initiatives and bills that would require
the approval of the House of Representatives.

Ministers in this case would not be left to fend off House
commission scrutiny by themselves. On more sensitive issues, the
President could also rally the might of the entire executive to
push initiatives through the legislature.

Fourth is serving as mediation forums when policy initiatives
overlap at the ministry level, and in the case of other
intragovernmental disputes. They provide a means of resolving
disputes behind closed away from the prying eyes of the media.

A president does not want individual ministers to wash their
dirty laundry in public, causing speculation about dissension in
the ranks. "Recalcitrant" ministers would have no choice but to
succumb to the cachet of the president, as the chairman of the
council, or his peers on the council.

Despite these finer points, there exists a danger of
concentrating power in the hands of a small group of people -- a
Cabinet within a Cabinet.

Furthermore, if the Megawati administration was criticized for
its lethargy, the exclusive manner in which decisions are to be
taken in the future could eventually create policy bottlenecks
and backlogs.

The author is a staff writer for The Jakarta Post.