Susilo holds power through policy councils

Meidyatama Suryodiningrat, Jakarta

Every president has his or her own style. Soeharto in his later years was very hands-off while nevertheless keeping a strong grip on the policy thrust of his Cabinet. His ministers were given a free reign as long as they kept within very strict corridors. When he did interject, there was no room for negotiation. His word was law.

The role of presidential aides under B.J. Habibie superseded that of Cabinet ministers. Key policies were conceptualized not by the ministers but by confidantes of the same ideological ilk as Habibie.

Abdurrahman Wahid wanted to be a hands-on president but simply could not grasp anything in a coordinated and cognizant manner. He may have been visionary and his heart was probably in the right place. Nevertheless, his actions only aggravated rather than alleviated problems. His inconsistency gave his subordinates nightmares. His management skills were non-existent.

His successor, Megawati Soekarnoputri, did no better. While enjoying the pomp and pageantry of the presidency, she seemed oblivious to details, resulting in embarrassing policy miscalculations. These small but frequent miscues eventually contributed to her electoral defeat.

Now comes Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. A man known for his strict sense of protocol and propriety, and his antipathy to delegating power.

An anomaly of sorts, Susilo has a reputation of being a strong man, but at the same being naturally indecisive. It was his desire to please that resulted in a rather uninspiring Cabinet selection last week.

While key policy decisions could well be a flip-flop affair during his presidency, it is likely that Susilo will adopt a hands-on approach to his administration.

The daily running of the government will still be in the hands of the respective ministries. But in areas of strategic national importance, vital security interests, and the priority areas identified by the President, there is a strong likelihood that Susilo will want to personally set the agenda and ensure his directives are strictly implemented.

One of the ways of implementing direct control and oversight over such a large administration is through the establishment of policy councils.

The embryos of the councils are modeled on those at the disposal of the American president. Since the 1970s, councils have served as an important arm of the White House in formulating and exercising policy.

We have heard of Susilo's intention of establishing at least two councils -- one for security and the other on the economy. A third, on domestic policy, should also be considered.

In practice, a council-by-another-name already exists in the form of the regular coordinating meetings on political and security affairs. The functions of the limited cabinet meetings on economic affairs that have been held since the Soeharto era are also akin to those of the proposed economic council.

But these new councils are expected to become more authoritative. The primary aim of their establishment will be to centralize control of policy-making by placing primary responsibility in the hands of the President and his most trusted aides. In other words, policy-making control will be concentrated in the palace. It is unlikely that Susilo will become a freewheeling policy tsar, but the fact that these councils will afford him a coordinated policy-making apparatus means that they will be indispensable tools of authoritative governance.

Each Cabinet minister will react differently to the existence of these councils. Some ministers might specifically seek the a council's involvement in matters pertaining to their respective portfolios as this would bring with it the distinction of presidential interest. Others, especially ministers who are seeking to avoid presidential scrutiny, will try to prevent a council's involvement in those areas perceived as being his or her fiefs.

At least four key roles may be advanced for the councils. The first is to serve as think tanks in developing new proposals in support of Susilo's personal agenda. Council meetings would help increase the capacity of other senior -- outspoken and trusted -- ministers to provide input to their peers outside of their immediate portfolios.

We can imagine, for example, how someone like Sri Mulyani Indrawati would excel in such an environment by providing direct economic policy input beyond her immediate role as head of the National Planning Board.

The second role of the councils is to function as coordinating bodies to integrate the work of various departments and government agencies toward the achievement of a stated agenda. The councils would also ensure that these goals are being worked for properly by the relevant department and agencies. Consequently, this would allow for managability and even efficiency in the overall policy-making and implementation process.

The third role is to act as a forum for the development of legislative strategy on initiatives and bills that would require the approval of the House of Representatives.

Ministers in this case would not be left to fend off House commission scrutiny by themselves. On more sensitive issues, the President could also rally the might of the entire executive to push initiatives through the legislature.

Fourth is serving as mediation forums when policy initiatives overlap at the ministry level, and in the case of other intragovernmental disputes. They provide a means of resolving disputes behind closed away from the prying eyes of the media.

A president does not want individual ministers to wash their dirty laundry in public, causing speculation about dissension in the ranks. "Recalcitrant" ministers would have no choice but to succumb to the cachet of the president, as the chairman of the council, or his peers on the council.

Despite these finer points, there exists a danger of concentrating power in the hands of a small group of people -- a Cabinet within a Cabinet.

Furthermore, if the Megawati administration was criticized for its lethargy, the exclusive manner in which decisions are to be taken in the future could eventually create policy bottlenecks and backlogs.

The author is a staff writer for The Jakarta Post.