Succession -- a time bomb?
By Hendardi
JAKARTA (JP): Presidential succession became a public debate last month after Admiral Sudomo, the chairman of the Supreme Advisory Council, said that President Soeharto has always wanted a civilian vice president.
The wish is also shared by a number of people, including Gen. Soemitro, former chief of the powerful Kopkamtib security agency, and noted sociologist, Arief Budiman.
However, the debate turned sour when Soesilo Soedarman, a senior minister for political affairs, said that it was not yet the time to talk about succession. As Orientals, he said, we should pray for the best (Kompas, May 16, 1995).
The general election is only two years away and the People's Consultative Assembly convention, to elect a new president and vice president, is three years away. In this relatively short time we are still expected to shun discussions on succession. Gen. Edi Sudradjat, the minister of defense and security, even called on the people to leave the matter to the House of Representatives.
Clearly there is a need to clarify the real meaning of succession and the growth of political culture around this issue.
Our concept of succession is blurred. Minister Soesilo Soedarman has said only the Assembly has the authority to carry it over in its upcoming general assembly (the seventh in the New Order government) in March 1998.
According to the Constitution, the Assembly holds its general assembly every five years, ratifying the State Policy Guidelines and appointing a president and vice president for the next five years. Reappointment is possible and the Constitution does not limit the number of reappointments of a president. President Soeharto has been appointed to six consecutive terms of office.
His continuous reappointment has rid the nation of a succession since early New Order reigned in the mid 1960s. Therefore, succession has not become part of our political culture because we only experienced it once, from President Soekarno to President Soeharto, in the last 50 years.
So, what we are witnessing now is merely a discussion on succession and it is by no means a succession.
True, that we have been following the Constitution to the letter so far, in the form of reappointment of a candidate. But, reappointment is not a succession.
Take the recent succession of France's President Francois Mitterrand to Jacques Chirac, because Mitterrand has completed the maximum two terms of office.
Minister Soesilo maintains that Indonesians are Orientals. They have a different cultural orientation from Occidentals. We are not used to the blunt revelation of negative aspects in a presidential candidate, he said, it is simply not our bone.
Indonesia has its own distinct political culture for a presidential election. Not only does it differ from the Oriental culture in such countries as South Korea or the Philippines, but also from Malaysia which, like Indonesia, is predominantly Malay.
The political culture of our elite is characterized by the principle of "consensus" in decision making. It is a far cry from the voting system. Yet, consensus has colored the process of presidential elections at the Assembly so far.
Such a culture is now practically abandoned in most Asian countries. Malaysia recently held a general election and elected a prime minister through voting. Mahathir Mohammad's victory was assured when Barisan Nasional, a coalition of 14 parties, won.
Consensus or deliberations are actually against article 2, paragraph 3, and article 6, paragraph 2, of the 1945 Constitution in respect of resolutions adopted by the House. Both articles stipulate a majority of votes.
Article 6, paragraph 2, stipulates that "the President and Vice President shall be elected by the House by virtue of the majority of votes." It is obvious that the Constitution does not stipulate a deliberation principle.
The majority votes principle dictates that each member of the House is provided with a vote. But in reality, their individual vote is effectively nullified by the representation of the faction's vote. It is the faction executives who will decide the nomination of a president and vice president.
That is what happens in Indonesia. Faction members merge their votes to the faction and the faction will take care of the final say.
This political culture is actually a closed one. Faction members and factions are deprived of giving their aspirations freely. Let alone the nomination of candidates for presidency. Differences of opinion are ruled out. The lead, in the case of succession, to the emergence of an "heir apparent" is inevitable.
If we live this culture, we will soon face a political upheaval. We will soon be engulfed in a sea of guesses and rumors concerning the issue of presidential succession. We must avoid the type of succession that will serve as a time bomb.
Undoubtedly, presidential succession is a very important undertaking. A failure to address this issue publicly, by leaving it to the Assembly, is a sure way to create that time bomb.
The writer is Director of Communications and Special Programs at the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute Foundation.