Status quo forces and reformers: Where lie our parties' loyalties?

Status quo forces and reformers: Where lie our parties' loyalties?

JAKARTA (JP): When Amien Rais, Megawati Soekarnoputri and
Abdurrahman Wahid agreed on Tuesday to join forces to defeat the
status quo, many people automatically thought of the ruling
Golkar Party.

The three opposition leaders' move has provided their parties
with valuable political leverage with which to obtain even
greater support from the masses. This is because their joint
communique created an "us versus them" scenario that will make it
easier for the public to take a stance.

With 48 political parties all clamoring for support, some are
overwhelmed with the choices now available. But when the parties
are divided into "the good" and "the bad", one can easily take
sides because, after all, one needs an enemy as badly as one
needs an ally.

Despite its leaders' repeated pronouncements that it is
proreform, Golkar remains for many an antireform or pro-status
quo force. Its decision to pick incumbent President B.J. Habibie
as its sole presidential candidate -- despite his perceived foot-
dragging investigation into former mentor Soeharto -- was for
many a clear indication of the antireform nature of the party.

But is Golkar the only one?

Analysts believe status quo parties are those that defend the
military's social political role, reject any notions to amend the
1945 Constitution, thwart efforts to bring Soeharto to trial and
launch "old style" politicking, which includes bribery.

There are other parties with those characteristics among the
48 poll contestants. One is the Republican Party led by
Syarifuddin Harahap, a senior politician who was once a member of
the United Development Party (PPP). He made the following overt
declaration: "We are pro status quo and we are against the notion
of putting Soeharto on trial."

Komaruddin Rahmat, chairman of the party's Jakarta chapter, in
an interview with the news tabloid Ali@nsi, defined support for
the status quo as maintaining the Unitary State of the Republic
of Indonesia, the Pancasila state ideology and the 1945
Constitution.

"The formulation of the Pancasila is final," he asserted.

Indonesia in its future development efforts would not start
from scratch but continue with what had existed before, he said.
"There are certain parties who appear bent on negating the
results of (New Order) developments."

When asked why the Republican Party opposed any attempts to
try Soeharto and his family, Komaruddin said: "We are for the
status quo, as it is.

"(The trial) is a matter of proof... Soeharto is not the only
one responsible (for abuses of power)... there was a political
system (that corrupted).

"The trial that is sought is a political matter... Soeharto
is now old, and he is suffering more than (founding president)
Sukarno did. But Sukarno was never put on trial. Sukarno was
tried in a grilling session of the People's Consultative Assembly
(MPR), but the people did not want to see him tried."

On the question of the military's involvement in politics,
Komaruddin said the party supported the Ciganjur Declaration,
signed by Amien, Megawati and Abdurrahman last November, which
sought the phasing out of the military from political
institutions over a period of six years.

"(The reason) is because now they (the military officers) are
enjoying their time as regents, governors... if we pushed them
out of their posts suddenly, the system would be damaged. It
would be painful and create conflicts."

Links

Some parties have been accused of seeking to maintain the
status quo because of their links with the past forces of
Soeharto or Golkar. The PNI -- Front Marhaenis -- a party led by
Soeharto's half-brother Probosutedjo -- has been accused of
antireform tendencies and being set up only to revive the former
strongman's powers.

Probosutedjo, a business tycoon, has denied the allegation.
But there are other parties which directly or indirectly have
links with Golkar or Soeharto's family. The Indonesian People's
Party (Pari) led by Agus Miftach was said to be cozy with Ibnu
Hartomo, the younger brother of the late Tien Soeharto.

A recent poll conducted by a group of journalists, the result
which was disseminated via the Internet, named more than a dozen
parties considered to be antireform as indicated by their links
to Golkar. Among them is the Indonesian Muslim Awakening Party
(Kami) which has ties with Golkar-affiliated religious
organizations such as the Islamic Propagation Council, and Satkar
Ulama.

The Independent National Party (PKM) is led by Zaini Ahmad
Noeh, a former Golkar campaigner. The Independence Vanguard Party
(IPKI) led by former Jakarta governor and senior Golkar figure R.
Soeprapto, is also thought to have close ties with Golkar.

Then there is the MKGR Party, originally a Golkar affiliate,
and also the Justice and Unity Party (PKP), whose leaders are
Golkar defectors such as Hayono Isman and Edi Sudradjat. The PKP
enjoys the support of former vice president Try Sutrisno and
retired servicemen who during Soeharto's time were ardent Golkar
supporters.

Base politics

Media reports, however, recorded that even the "proreform"
parties often have conservative ideas that smack of the old
political tendencies of the New Order regime. For example, take
Megawati's stance on the constitution.

Her deputy Kwik Kian Gie has in the past expressed opposition
to any constitutional amendments.

"Mistakes that occurred (in the New Order) administration were
not because there was something wrong with the constitution, but
because the government abused rules," he told the Jawa Pos daily.

Megawati, too, has expressed opposition to the abolition of
the military's political role. In her book, Pokok-pokok Pikiran
Megawati Soekarnoputri (The thoughts of Megawati Soekarnoputri,
1993), she said "The Armed Forces' (ABRI) dual function (in both
security and politics) is an effort on the part of the Indonesian
people to promote their welfare. We must support every good
intention, besides we must realize that ABRI... is the real son
of the people."

Political expert Indria Samego believes that such stances
could classify the PDI Perjuangan as pro status quo.

Andi A. Mallarangeng, a government representative at the
General Elections Commission (KPU), has warned of the danger of
being duped by parties which appear to be proreform but in fact
do not fight for reform.

"If their vision and political behavior smack of old patterns,
then they are pro status quo," he told Ali@nsi.

Mallarangeng said many of the 48 parties still used old-style,
base politicking. When setting up the list of legislative
candidates, for instance, many parties played favoritism, or they
used money and bribery.

Golkar is probably used to being accused of committing money
politics. But a new party like the People's Sovereignty Party
(PDR), which is known for its close ties with Minister of
Cooperatives Adi Sasono, has also been accused of using social
safety net funds and state facilities for premature
electioneering.

The United Development Party (PPP), too, has been accused of
forcing party supporters to make a payment to the party before
they could be nominated as a legislative candidate.

The National Awakening Party (PKB), which enjoys the support
of Abdurrahman Wahid, has been accused of distributing rice aid
from Japan in sacks stamped with its logo. Japan trusted the rice
to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) -- which is chaired by Abdurrahman --
because, with its 30 million supporters in rural areas, it is
thought to have the best distribution networks.

"That is also money politics," said Sholahuddin Wahid, a
younger brother and political rival of Abdurrahman, who is also
chairman of the Muslim Community Awakening Party (PKU).

For that matter, even Abdurrahman Wahid has at least met three
times with Soeharto, since the latter's resignation last May.
(swe)