Thu, 20 May 1999

Status quo forces and reformers: Where lie our parties' loyalties?

JAKARTA (JP): When Amien Rais, Megawati Soekarnoputri and Abdurrahman Wahid agreed on Tuesday to join forces to defeat the status quo, many people automatically thought of the ruling Golkar Party.

The three opposition leaders' move has provided their parties with valuable political leverage with which to obtain even greater support from the masses. This is because their joint communique created an "us versus them" scenario that will make it easier for the public to take a stance.

With 48 political parties all clamoring for support, some are overwhelmed with the choices now available. But when the parties are divided into "the good" and "the bad", one can easily take sides because, after all, one needs an enemy as badly as one needs an ally.

Despite its leaders' repeated pronouncements that it is proreform, Golkar remains for many an antireform or pro-status quo force. Its decision to pick incumbent President B.J. Habibie as its sole presidential candidate -- despite his perceived foot- dragging investigation into former mentor Soeharto -- was for many a clear indication of the antireform nature of the party.

But is Golkar the only one?

Analysts believe status quo parties are those that defend the military's social political role, reject any notions to amend the 1945 Constitution, thwart efforts to bring Soeharto to trial and launch "old style" politicking, which includes bribery.

There are other parties with those characteristics among the 48 poll contestants. One is the Republican Party led by Syarifuddin Harahap, a senior politician who was once a member of the United Development Party (PPP). He made the following overt declaration: "We are pro status quo and we are against the notion of putting Soeharto on trial."

Komaruddin Rahmat, chairman of the party's Jakarta chapter, in an interview with the news tabloid Ali@nsi, defined support for the status quo as maintaining the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, the Pancasila state ideology and the 1945 Constitution.

"The formulation of the Pancasila is final," he asserted.

Indonesia in its future development efforts would not start from scratch but continue with what had existed before, he said. "There are certain parties who appear bent on negating the results of (New Order) developments."

When asked why the Republican Party opposed any attempts to try Soeharto and his family, Komaruddin said: "We are for the status quo, as it is.

"(The trial) is a matter of proof... Soeharto is not the only one responsible (for abuses of power)... there was a political system (that corrupted).

"The trial that is sought is a political matter... Soeharto is now old, and he is suffering more than (founding president) Sukarno did. But Sukarno was never put on trial. Sukarno was tried in a grilling session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), but the people did not want to see him tried."

On the question of the military's involvement in politics, Komaruddin said the party supported the Ciganjur Declaration, signed by Amien, Megawati and Abdurrahman last November, which sought the phasing out of the military from political institutions over a period of six years.

"(The reason) is because now they (the military officers) are enjoying their time as regents, governors... if we pushed them out of their posts suddenly, the system would be damaged. It would be painful and create conflicts."

Links

Some parties have been accused of seeking to maintain the status quo because of their links with the past forces of Soeharto or Golkar. The PNI -- Front Marhaenis -- a party led by Soeharto's half-brother Probosutedjo -- has been accused of antireform tendencies and being set up only to revive the former strongman's powers.

Probosutedjo, a business tycoon, has denied the allegation. But there are other parties which directly or indirectly have links with Golkar or Soeharto's family. The Indonesian People's Party (Pari) led by Agus Miftach was said to be cozy with Ibnu Hartomo, the younger brother of the late Tien Soeharto.

A recent poll conducted by a group of journalists, the result which was disseminated via the Internet, named more than a dozen parties considered to be antireform as indicated by their links to Golkar. Among them is the Indonesian Muslim Awakening Party (Kami) which has ties with Golkar-affiliated religious organizations such as the Islamic Propagation Council, and Satkar Ulama.

The Independent National Party (PKM) is led by Zaini Ahmad Noeh, a former Golkar campaigner. The Independence Vanguard Party (IPKI) led by former Jakarta governor and senior Golkar figure R. Soeprapto, is also thought to have close ties with Golkar.

Then there is the MKGR Party, originally a Golkar affiliate, and also the Justice and Unity Party (PKP), whose leaders are Golkar defectors such as Hayono Isman and Edi Sudradjat. The PKP enjoys the support of former vice president Try Sutrisno and retired servicemen who during Soeharto's time were ardent Golkar supporters.

Base politics

Media reports, however, recorded that even the "proreform" parties often have conservative ideas that smack of the old political tendencies of the New Order regime. For example, take Megawati's stance on the constitution.

Her deputy Kwik Kian Gie has in the past expressed opposition to any constitutional amendments.

"Mistakes that occurred (in the New Order) administration were not because there was something wrong with the constitution, but because the government abused rules," he told the Jawa Pos daily.

Megawati, too, has expressed opposition to the abolition of the military's political role. In her book, Pokok-pokok Pikiran Megawati Soekarnoputri (The thoughts of Megawati Soekarnoputri, 1993), she said "The Armed Forces' (ABRI) dual function (in both security and politics) is an effort on the part of the Indonesian people to promote their welfare. We must support every good intention, besides we must realize that ABRI... is the real son of the people."

Political expert Indria Samego believes that such stances could classify the PDI Perjuangan as pro status quo.

Andi A. Mallarangeng, a government representative at the General Elections Commission (KPU), has warned of the danger of being duped by parties which appear to be proreform but in fact do not fight for reform.

"If their vision and political behavior smack of old patterns, then they are pro status quo," he told Ali@nsi.

Mallarangeng said many of the 48 parties still used old-style, base politicking. When setting up the list of legislative candidates, for instance, many parties played favoritism, or they used money and bribery.

Golkar is probably used to being accused of committing money politics. But a new party like the People's Sovereignty Party (PDR), which is known for its close ties with Minister of Cooperatives Adi Sasono, has also been accused of using social safety net funds and state facilities for premature electioneering.

The United Development Party (PPP), too, has been accused of forcing party supporters to make a payment to the party before they could be nominated as a legislative candidate.

The National Awakening Party (PKB), which enjoys the support of Abdurrahman Wahid, has been accused of distributing rice aid from Japan in sacks stamped with its logo. Japan trusted the rice to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) -- which is chaired by Abdurrahman -- because, with its 30 million supporters in rural areas, it is thought to have the best distribution networks.

"That is also money politics," said Sholahuddin Wahid, a younger brother and political rival of Abdurrahman, who is also chairman of the Muslim Community Awakening Party (PKU).

For that matter, even Abdurrahman Wahid has at least met three times with Soeharto, since the latter's resignation last May. (swe)