Social injustice threatens unity

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The followings are excerpts from a paper presented at a seminar organized by the Driyarkara School of Philosophy recently in connection with its 25th anniversary. This is the first of a two-part article. _________________________________________________________________

By Franz Magnis-Suseno

JAKARTA: We have to realize that the seemingly impressive national unity is not impervious to disintegration. These threats are real, in spite of the fact that some would still consider them potential. Only if we succeed in overcoming them can Indonesia's national unity be guaranteed.

Among the many threats and challenges faced by Indonesia, there are three that require special attention. The potential reaction to the currently prevalent centralism, "primordialism" (the centrifugal forces originating from race, ethnic and religion differences), and the fact that there is not yet true social justice here.

It seems that the potential impact of centralism in decision making has not been fully recognized. In the many countries where centralism is given too much latitude the regions commonly believe that they are just objects of the policies of the center. The policies, perceived as masks for efforts to exploit their resources for the center's interests, have prompted separatism in its many different forms.

As a matter of fact, we do not have to go far to find examples. The majority of rebellious movements in the 1950s were merely reactions against the central approach of the Jakarta government at that time. The concept of regional autonomy, which should have served as one of the underpinnings of national unity, has been subject to narrow-minded suspicions ever since the Dutch, at the end of their colonial era, tried using it for their own objectives.

Law No. 5, 1979, on village administration, which stipulates that the format of Javanese village administration should be applied throughout the country, has long been criticisized by experts on social science, who call it a disaster. However, there has been no change whatsoever.

Today, it seems that bureaucrats in the provincial- and district-level administration are unlike their predecessors in the 1950s in that they no longer voice the interests of their regions, perhaps because they no longer suffer from a lack of funds. On the other hand, various incidents surrounding the recent elections of governors and regents indicate the existence of a strong discontent.

It has indeed become imperative for us to refer back to the characteristics of Indonesian nationalism that is based on unity in diversity. Regional autonomy is not only the quest for economic and administrative rationality, but ultimately serves as the benchmark for respect for the independence of the people in the regions. Once separatism begins, it will be very difficult to contain.

The biggest threat to national unity all over the world stems from primordialism. The majority of armed conflicts nowadays, as well as all the conflicts that have broken out in the last three years, are primordial in character. Examples are found in Myanmar, Sri Lanka, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan (in the post- Soviet era), Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, South Africa (Inkatha vs. ANC), Northern Ireland, Spain, Ethiopia, Sudan, Southern Philippines, as well as in the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia.

By 'primordialism' I mean emotional attachments or motivations based on traditional ethnic attachments. It refers to the situation in which the only loyalty one feels -- besides loyalty to one's family, friends and certain others -- is towards one's native social reality, such as locale, ethnicity, religion or race. Religion-based primordialism can be fundamentalistic or otherwise.

Primordialism refers to one's inability to feel attached to social units that exceed the boundaries of one's circles, such as nation, humanity, and common brotherhood.

There are two types of primordialism. The first is characteristic of pre-modern societies and is not a significant problem. These societies are still unexposed to the concepts of nation and universal humanity, not because they reject them but simply because they have not been exposed to them.

It is the second variety of primordialism that poses threats to national unity. Not only is it an attitude that emphasizes attachment to one's primary circles, but it is also one that rejects other circles.

Primordialism is a regressive attitude. It is usually the result of a situation in which a group of people becomes confused and shocked as he is, or they are, confronted by the changes of values and culture that accompany modernization. Primordialism is a total, negative reaction against the excesses of modernization.

One of the signs of secondary primordialism is exclusivity. Whatever does not belong to one's ethnicity, or religion, or local customs is rejected, mistrusted, and frequently hated. A primordial person fails to feel moved when he thinks of his fatherland, he does not have affection for his nation, he feels no solidarity with others belonging to the same nationality but that have different religions or ethnicities.

He is closed up as far as appreciation of human dignity is concerned, since he can only think and feel within the framework of "us versus them". The worst aspect of all is that, from the primordial perspective, virtues such as kindness, the ability to feel sorry for others, the willingness to forgive, and sense of justice can only be mobilized towards those who belong to "our group", while those who belong to "their group" are subject to distrust and hatred.

In extreme cases, criminal actions can be taken against them without having to feel guilty, as we see in Yugoslavia.

In regions where primordialism prevails, nationalism must fade. Nationalism has served as the strongest political force in the last two centuries. A nationalist feels passion for his nation. His heart is bound to his nation. He is willing to make sacrifices for his compatriots, regardless of where the latter comes from a different religion or ethnic background.

Nationalism is the only spiritual force capable of uniting the majority of states that currently exist in this world. Adhering to primordialism means that one cannot appreciate the value of national unity. Primordialism also threatens nation building, as it makes social compromises difficult to achieve.

In Indonesia, which is not primordialistic in nature, a Catholic can always work together with a Moslem, a Javanese with someone from Gorontalo, a Protestant from Batak Toba with a Balinese. Overlapping loyalties as a Javanese, a Moslem and an Indonesian balance each other out, and this allows for inclusive attitudes, as they exist within common perception of nationalism, a sentiment inherited from our ancestors that is so open and full of tolerance.

However, the moment one starts subscribing to primordialism, one also begins to dissect one's society into "us against them", and thereby becomes exclusive. Cooperation within the framework of nationalism perception will become more difficult.

Dr. Franz Magnis-Suseno is a senior lecturer at Driyarkara School of Philosophy in Jakarta.