Tue, 05 Oct 1999

Small arms proliferation in Southeast Asia

By Santo Darmosumarto

JAKARTA (JP): Southeast Asia began experiencing the impact of small arms proliferation as early as 1975 with the end of the Vietnam War. The movement of these weapons into and out of the region, predominantly through illegal channels and the black market, has now become a great security concern. It can fuel increased levels of violent crimes, thus undermining government efforts at establishing stability and order. Its potential disruption towards legitimate commercial activities can also cause serious harm to economic and social development.

The phenomenon's growth is a cause for concern because a number of factors have allowed it to flourish:

* Inadequate controls against illicit weapons production, export and import due to poorly trained and/or corrupt officials;

* Financial and technological difficulties in implementing effective controls;

* Lack of regional coordination and cooperation in monitoring the circulation and supply of weapons; and

* Non-existence of international or regional agreements on controlling the small arms trade, both legal and illegal. Some of the sources of small arms proliferation include China, North Korea, Russia, Vietnam and Cambodia. There are possibilities that weapons may also be arriving from the Indian sub-continent; however, details on this remain sketchy.

The movement of illicit weapons is not random but highly patterned and it can be controlled effectively through identifying channels of supply. Unfortunately, the issue has not received sufficient attention from regional governments. Small arms proliferation in Southeast Asia is often linked to the drug trade.

Both of these products are smuggled along common channels of supply, thus facilitating opportunities for exchanges. For example, illicit Chinese weapons travel through the country's southwestern "Dark Channels" into Myanmar and are traded for drugs (Central News Agency, April 9, 1992). These weapons are also making their way to Vietnam. However, it remains unclear whether they are intended for Vietnamese markets, or if Vietnam is only used as a transshipping site. This is important considering that Vietnam is already saturated with small arms left over from past conflicts as well as those recently occurring in neighboring Cambodia.

Asian seaports play a major role in easing proliferation. Small arms traders take advantage of such facilities for dispersing their merchandise throughout the region and beyond. This problem mainly results from the large volume of goods that pass through these ports daily, as well as the high levels of corruption and lack of professionalism among customs and security officials.

Ports in Southeast Asia have been identified as having some of the least effective anti-smuggling controls in the world (Asia Times, Sept. 24 1996). Yet, despite such criticisms, most governments argue that increased controls would hamper legitimate trade and make their ports unattractive to shipping companies.

Criminal elements have profited the most from easier access to illicit weapons, and there are signs of increasing gun related violence in the region (New Straits Times, April 15 1996). In Indochina, drug lords are now able to build well-equipped forces, which increasingly pose serious threats to human security and state sovereignty.

While the small arms/drug trade model also applies to illicit maritime activities, piracy is the more serious problem at sea. Recent International Maritime Bureau (IMB) reports indicate that Southeast Asia remains the region with the highest rate of piracy in the world.

More importantly, levels of violence during pirate attacks have increased dramatically. Considering that modern piracy is committed mainly using homemade explosives and small arms such as rifles and machine guns, it is possible that this trend is sustained by the growing availability of these weapons.

As the current economic downturn deepens and Southeast Asian governments' statehood becomes increasingly challenged, there is a strong possibility that the proliferation of small arms may grow even faster.

The erosion of state legitimacy by internal, non-military, non-state elements renders the task of overcoming such economic hardship more difficult. Therefore, it is in most governments' interest to attribute more attention to factors that could enhance these elements' potential for violence.

As in other parts of the world, the trafficking of illicit small arms also fuels insurgency movements in Southeast Asia. However, despite the high demand for light weapons among such movements, the actual quality of weapons going into insurgent areas remain inferior to those purchased by criminal elements.

This argument is strong considering that profits have become the main goal of today's small arms trade. Insurgent groups in the region often lack mechanisms to raise funds for large-scale weapons purchase.

The United Nations (UN) remains one of the best channels for promoting efforts to manage the problem of illicit small arms proliferation. Attempts have been made to increase transparency through expanding the UN Register of Conventional Weapons to include light weapons. The UN Center for International Crime and Prevention has also placed priority on developing multidimensional approaches to tackling problems related to this phenomenon. Furthermore, the UN Disarmament Committee has conducted studies emphasizing the role of peacekeeping missions in disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating post-conflict societies.

However, in order for the above measures to work effectively, they need to be complemented by regional efforts. At the national level, governments have taken steps to control the smuggling of weapons through stepping up surveillance, imposing strict laws and training officials. Also, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) has introduced the issue for discussion in one of its sub-bodies. Nonetheless, the cross-border nature of this phenomenon requires that states intensify cooperation and coordination at the regional level.

Due to different national interests however, this remains lacking among regional governments. States cannot afford to wait any longer if the problem is to be managed effectively. This is important to bear in mind, especially considering that small arms are harder to retrieve once they have entered society.

The writer conducted research on the above subject when he was a graduate student at the University of Victoria, Canada.