Significance of Mega's East European trip

Bantarto Bandoro, Editor, 'The Indonesian Quarterly', Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta, bandoro@csis.or.id

Global politics has always been dynamic, particularly due to the diplomatic and political maneuvers carried out by countries. The state always experiences change and continuity, and thus always moves ahead, adjusting and changing in response to internal developments and external circumstances. The initiation of new policies by a country is bound to cause reactions from others. Such policy initiatives might cause shift, if not fundamental changes, in the global political landscape.

Thus, every country desires a real sense of security, something that will guarantee its long-term development. Megawati's recent trip to the countries of Eastern Europe, a response to the country's external circumstances, aimed not only at enhancing the credibility of Indonesian international diplomacy -- thus securing external resources for its development -- but also to make sure that it had all it needed to protect its sovereignty. All these elements are encapsulated in the concept of security.

Many saw the President's trip to Eastern European countries only from the perspective of shopping for arms equipment. Indeed, Megawati's decision to make Eastern Europe part of the country's foreign policy objectives is a response to specific problems that Indonesia has, which may not involve broader global issues. Thus, the focus is upon the resolution of a specific problem, i.e an arms embargo.

A U.S. embargo on arms sales to Indonesia, imposed 12 years ago because of human rights abuse allegations, has forced Jakarta to diversify its sources of supply.

In Russia, the government signed an arms deal, expanding defense cooperation with Russia. Jakarta and Moscow seek to expand their once-close military and economic ties. Indonesia relied heavily on Soviet military assistance in the 1950s. But the close ties were severed after anticommunist Soeharto seized power in 1965.

In Poland, Indonesia also shopped for military equipment. The Polish government proposed vast cooperation in the military and arms domain. Indonesia is at a stage of rebuilding its military capabilities and certainly Poland and Russia could be important sources of military armaments. Thus, it is clear that the focus of recent visits of Megawati to the East European countries was arms procurement.

Yet, the visit reflects more than just the need for Indonesia to rebuild and modernize its military. Indonesia, under Megawati, is experiencing tremendous changes, domestically and internationally. Either, initiatives or a decision in response to these changes will have to be taken by the government in order for it to overcome the impact of the changes.

Indonesia is acutely aware of emerging hopes of peace and advantageous cooperation as the major trend in modern international relations.

Indonesia's approach to Eastern Europe is aimed at broadening the spectrum of its international diplomacy. It is through bilateral diplomacy that Indonesia wishes to gain more political advantage for its international standing.

Megawati's "go-east" diplomacy should not be viewed as a challenge to U.S. policy, and it is not meant to sacrifice Indonesia's relations with the U.S. The U.S. remains important, politically and strategically.

However, any hegemonic design in international affairs is not congruent with the emerging ethos of cooperation. The U.S., being the superpower, is bound to play a pivotal role in international affairs, but unipolarity cannot be accepted. That is to say, no country should seek hegemony, practice power politics or monopolize international affairs.

Countries have to work together for progressive development and to settle major international problems. This is perhaps the message conveyed to the U.S. by the visit of Megawati to Russia, Poland and Romania. An improvement in Indonesia-Russia ties is not anti-American in its spirit and orientation. Indonesia and Russia do resent the "unilateral military ad security advantage" of the U.S., but that does not signify hostile intention or attitude.

Indonesia's "strategic partnership" with Eastern European countries might be helpful in balancing the unipolarity, in a way, to bring about regional and international peace.

The strengthened cooperation between Indonesia and Russia not only conforms the fundamental interest of both countries, but it is also of great strategic significance to the progress of a multipolar world and a more constructive world order.

The Indonesia-Russia relationship is not directed against any particular state, but is to serve their national interests by ensuring economic and political cooperation. That the two countries have also struck some significant defense deals not only boosts Indonesia's defense posture, but will also enhance the strategic significance of Indonesia's geopolitical position, particularly in the face of regional security turbulence.

Indonesia's partnership with Russia will certainly grow, as both share a common understanding that international issues should be solved through collaborative efforts. Indonesia's diplomacy and its strategic move toward Eastern European countries has provided Indonesia with certain strategic gains.

First, being the most influential and important country in the region, the possession of Russian-made arms will beef up the country's confidence in performing its regional defense role.

Second, from the perspective of regional and alliance politics, Indonesia's ties with Moscow and other Eastern European countries have opened up windows of opportunity for Indonesia to expand diplomacy outside its immediate region.

Developments in Eastern Europe, particularly in the three countries visited by Megawati, have provided Indonesia with an additional "diplomatic menu", meaning that Indonesia can and is free to choose whatever it sees as important for its future development, something that cannot be offered by other parts of the globe.

And third, the purchase of arms will definitely increase the confidence of the Military in performing its national defense role. There is no doubt about the reliability of Russian high- performance fighter-bombers. The 1,800-mile range will allow the Indonesian air force to patrol, with pride, the vast Indonesian archipelago, perhaps better than short-range U.S. jets.

The expansion of our defense links with Eastern European countries has added political weight to the country's regional profile. Indonesia's cooperation and collaboration with Russia can enhance our international standing and enable it to deal with future problems more effectively. The emergence of such close ties is of great significance and could be a very important factor in the development of a more stable and secure region.