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Securing representation for eastern Indonesia

| Source: JP

Securing representation for eastern Indonesia

Politicians saying they represent areas in eastern Indonesia,
mainly Irian, Maluku, Sulawesi and Kalimantan, named the
Iramasuka caucus, have been criticized for pursuing their own
interests. Surabaya-based sociologist Daniel Sparingga of the
Airlangga University shares his views on the subject.

Question: While the Iramasuka coalition is criticized of only
representing the local elite, there was a display of strong
regional sentiment, such as in the support of former president
B.J. Habibie and businessmen Nurdin Halid and Baramuli, who were
both charged with corruption. So is it true that Iramasuka
members do not represent people in their regions?

Answer: The polarization of people in Makassar (South
Sulawesi), for instance, is quite diverse. One cannot generalize
that they all use regional symbols as a basis for motivations of
power, there are also ethnic symbols involved. It is difficult to
categorize Habibie regarding this (phenomenon).

He had actually disassociated himself from regional politics.

However, figures like Baramuli may still be included in the
category (of using regional/ethnic symbols to gain power).

I'm actually surprised with him because his supporters include
a number of intellectuals exposed to modern education.

Actually, the emergence of this Iramasuka cannot erase the
feelings of injustice felt by people outside Java.

In the past, people from Makassar were very resentful when
they were charged with spreading seeds of disunity after they
stood up for Habibie.
So how could eastern Indonesia be better represented?

Regardless of the political scramble for power, the selection
of regional representatives must take place and it must be more
selective because the selection would be the embryo for (the
development of) regional representatives, or senators, which will
be crucial in a two-chamber system of government.

The number of representatives for each province must be the
same because they represent a region -- not a percentage
proportion of the population. A province could be represented by
two to four people.

Further, there must be fundamental changes to the electoral
system (which emphasizes the district system rather than the
current, largely proportional, system) and to the system for
political parties.

A primarily proportional electoral system like we have now has
still produced a floating elite. A primarily district system
would be ideal, but this would need political awareness among the
masses who do not have a parochial relationship with the elite.
Is this possible here?

Frankly, I doubt whether this country could have a district
system because of the highly parochial relationship between
masses and their elite.

It has been within this context in which the Iramasuka
emerged. Therefore, its figures and the other groups in the
legislature and the People's Consultative Assembly are a floating
elite.

The people do not have access to them. That is why bargaining
for power flourishes.

The condition is worsened by the fact that the people have
been marginalized from politics for quite a long time. The
turning point was the allegations of the Buloggate and Bruneigate
(financial scandals) charged by legislators against the
President.

Apart from the disputes in the media, the conflict was only
localized at the House of Representatives (DPR) building where
the influence of Gus Dur (President Abdurrahman Wahid) is
limited. People outside the House were only spectators.

This will also be the case in the special session (of the
Assembly, MPR). Only Gus Dur's fanatic supporters will be the
ones clapping.

The point is that, even with many political parties in the
country, even with tolerance and regional autonomy, we still have
the old patterns.

Could you elaborate?

People still imagine Jakarta and Java as the center of power.
Iramasuka is in the middle of this, in between the spirit of
regional autonomy and the continuation of centralistic patterns.

In the context of the Assembly special session, although the
morality of the Iramasuka maneuvers may be questionable, (the
coalition) could be crucial in terms of power.

So far, the political constellations at the DPR/MPR have been
read along party lines, but the Iramasuka caucus offers an
entirely different angle. (Asip A. Hasani)

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