Reshuffle for reform? 'More likely for elite consolidation'

Will there be more reform in the Indonesian Military (TNI) following Monday's reshuffle? The Jakarta Post spoke to Kusnanto Anggoro, who studies security issues at the Center for Strategic International Studies. An excerpt from the interview follows:

Question: The reformist force in TNI seems to have won the President's favor through the installment of Maj. Gen. Agus Wirahadikusumah as commander of the Army Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad). Do you see more chances for reform in the near future?

Answer: This measure should indeed be appreciated but its significance depends on what it is for. It is surely the second most significant step since November (the reshuffle in which Gen. Wiranto as TNI commander was replaced by Adm. Widodo A.S.); others are that Wiranto (former coordinating minister for political affairs and security) now has no more ties to military headquarters and will enter retirement.

But how to push internal reform is still a big question.

For Agus this may be a big promotion but it would be more strategic to have him apply his ideas on the territorial doctrine affecting civil military relations as a regional commander. He has advocated the setting up of military commands only in remote areas. What would he do in the new post?

So this measure is full of symbols; it's good for (President Abdurrahman Wahid) Gus Dur, he's nearer to officers perceived as more loyal to him, he's safer now, what with statements from Cilangkap (military headquarters) which were supportive of him. Another symbol is that Agus' promotion is a slap to Wiranto.

However, the latest reshuffle also contains compromises instead of measures toward reform, which is defined as civilian supremacy and the removal of the territorial doctrine. (Former Army Strategic Reserves commander) Lt. Gen. Djaja Suparman (considered Wiranto's ally) has only been transferred to the army staff command school.

So the measures are mainly consolidation by Gus Dur; it's "yes" for Gus Dur's supremacy and "no" for (meaningful steps) in civil military relations.

What compensation do you see likely for TNI for their lost powers? Adm. Widodo suggested retaining seats in the People's Consultative Assembly after TNI quits the legislative body in 2004.

I think the Assembly seats would be granted, after all Gus Dur has never been explicit about TNI reforms. Maybe we should accept that TNI should be entitled to vote and be voted for once they're out of the legislative body. Like in Germany and the United States, they no longer serve in the armed forces if they're appointed (to a civilian post) ...

Further compensation would likely be a reallocation in the military budget aimed at better welfare. The request for 22 ships for the navy may also be granted.

What measures would be feasible within TNI for further reform?

Ask Gen. Agus Wirahadikusumah, supposedly the most reformist officer, when TNI will get out of politics. He once said, "when civilians are ready"; so things are still like that. In some way they will still find a way to play a role in the political and social spheres.

Do you see Gus Dur as still largely going it alone regarding changes in TNI?

He's starting to be too much. Democratization cannot rely on him alone ... his "adhoc-ism" or "so-what-ism" (biarinisme); his main concern now is consolidating power. We need institutionalized practices (leading to major decisions). Those being promoted may be good but are actually weak in the eyes of Cilangkap.

Gus Dur might be good now but we can't say what will happen next week. Article 10 of the 1945 Constitution says the president has the highest authority in the armed forces; that's very nice for him but the authority is crucial when TNI is now at a low point.

How do you see the response toward reform within TNI?

More responses are coming from majors downwards. Less can be seen from older officers, lieutenant colonels upwards, who might still hope for a return to security if they were to toe the line. (anr)