Renewing our party system

By Arbi Sanit

JAKARTA (JP): After four days of ballot counting, it has become increasingly clear that Golkar will emerge as the absolute majority in the 1997 general election, the United Development Party (PPP) will succeed in augmenting its votes, and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) will reach its nadir. Apparently, the general election is showing its ability to simplify our party system.

But the simplification of parties nearly a quarter of a century ago, has been amended. The disapproval of a two-party system on pluralist arguments, which was supported by party politicians nearly three decades ago, has been rebutted.

Nevertheless, this development is not the only force needed to carry out a renewal of Indonesia's party system in the future. The use of the opportunities is largely determined by how much the authorities, and the society at large, feels it is necessary.

The simplification of the party system requires two things, namely a guarantee of the effectiveness of policy and decision making, and a guarantee of representation of the society in the structure of political parties and the government. This is part of the democratization efforts of all aspects of societal life.

The three-party system in the House of Representatives in the past three decades has indeed been more simple than a multiparty system. But even that still needs engineering through the procedure and limitations of the House's authority so that parties and non-government factions tend to lose in political interaction.

The military's faction in the House is necessary to render political decisions effective as shown by the Armed Forces' dual function. In this way, a two-party system would be more effective in the House, especially if it is accompanied by an adjustment of factions i.e. the work faction which is a joining of the Armed Forces and Golkar factions on the one hand and the party factions on the other. This would make discussion more intensive because of the limited time and each spokesperson would be compelled to speak more profoundly to avoid repetition.

The concern about an increase in the political non- representation of the plural society in a two-party system would not necessarily become a reality. Political representation of society can be maintained by shifting it from the level of party ideology and organization to the level of the party elite who occupy legislative and executive functions.

There are two techniques of political representation to meet the need for change. These include the adjustment of the composition of party candidates for the general election and the complexity of the value structure and society's interest which have been made the social basis of the party concerned. The second technique is to recruit prominent community organization figures as candidates for the general election on the basis they manifest latent interest groups.

Realization of the two methods demands full and systematic participation of the community at large in composing and determining the candidates of each participating organization. A party congress at branch or national level, which is usually used to elect a leader, to decide on programs and to review the party's statutes and rules of association, must be complemented with the election of candidates for the general election.

The increase of votes in the 1997 general election for Golkar and the United Development Party and the minimum number of votes obtained by the Indonesian Democratic Party, provides an opportunity for the party system to be rearranged naturally.

There are two possibilities in this context. First, to eliminate the Soerjadi-led Indonesian Democratic Party because it will be a problem in the representation system in legislative institutions due to the minimum number of representatives. It will be a burden to the state and it will be unable to contribute anything except formally.

Second, to establish a new party supported by the United Development Party, a Megawati version of the Indonesian Democratic Party, and pro-democracy community groups. The new party will need a new name, such as "Development Democracy", and a new interpretation of ideology, in line with its name, of Pancasila as a compulsory ideology. It will require an internal power system that is competitive and open and applies the principle of power by the majority. It will protect minorities. It will require cooperative leadership, and an organization based on power balance.

The macroeconomic conditions required for the realization of this is the openness of the authorities toward change. Thus the law governing political parties and Golkar, the General Election law and the House of Representatives procedures, both at provincial and central level, will have to be open to the possibility of change in the party system.

Window: The increase of votes in the 1997 general election for Golkar and the PPP and the minimum number of votes obtained by the PDI, provides an opportunity for the party system to be rearranged naturally.