Reinventing Indonesia
S.P. Seth, Sydney
Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is his country's best salesman. During his recent Australia visit he was exuding charm, making friends, saying the right things, handsomely sharing Australia's grief on the loss of its servicemen involved in relief work in Indonesia's earthquake stricken zone, and being an eternal optimist regarding his country's future. It was a genuinely moving sight to see Indonesia's First Lady Kristiani Herawati wiping her tears when the deceased Australian soldiers were given a final send off.
In his pitch for his country, Susilo told Australians that Indonesia was now the world's third largest democracy after India and the United States. Indonesia is also a "wondrous place where Islam, democracy and modernity thrive together." His country, said President Susilo, might be "down on luck lately, but remains high in spirit and strong in will."
As one journalist remarked, "It was hard not to share his optimism. This is a very impressive, serious man." In contrast, Howard's speech was "patronizing of Indonesia's democracy and dwelling mostly on religion and extremism."
Indeed, comparisons have also been drawn between Susilo and Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi who followed the President on a state visit. And Susilo scored high marks. It is understandable, though, because Abdullah didn't shy away from offending Australian sensibilities whether it was the question of Canberra's doctrine of pre-emption or its invitation to the forthcoming East Asian summit.
President Susilo was more circumspect or supportive, for instance, on inviting Australia to the summit. He did, however, politely urged Australia to sign ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC).
As one commentator pointed out, "In contrast to the genuine goodwill that accompanied the earlier visit by the Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, there didn't seem to be much genuine warmth..." during Abdullah's visit.
Prime Minister John Howard wasn't too happy with Abdullah's reticence to support Australia's attendance at the forthcoming East Asian summit. He said, "...We'd be very happy to participate but we are not knocking on doors begging admission." He added, "Australia is a strong, respected, involved country in the region and that will be the case whether or not we're at the summit."
The contrast between Susilo and Abdullah was, on the whole, a matter of style rather than substance. Because both Indonesia and Malaysia are keen on Australia to sign the ASEAN non-aggression pact and are opposed to its pre-emption doctrine.
The problems, though, arise because, among other things, as Prof. Harold Crouch has pointed out in a newspaper article, "Australian leaders have often been seen as arrogant, overbearing and lacking real interest in our neighbors." He gave as example John Howard's welcoming speech for Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi when he recounted how Australia had helped Malaya by sending troops to fight communist insurgency in the 1950s, and has provided education to 200,000 Malaysian students.
Crouch rightly pointed out that, "Australian troops were sent to Malaya-as it was then-when it was still part of the British Empire. The troops responded to a request from London, not Kuala Lumpur..." Therefore, all this litany of good deeds is pointless and annoying in today's context.
There is certainly a new mood in the region exemplified by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. He believes that Indonesia could become a "bridge to East Asia" for Australia. He has handsomely acknowledged and expressed gratitude for Australia's generous tsunami assistance.
But even Susilo, despite his expansive style and ingrained optimism, is not starry-eyed about it. He said, "We know from experience our relations are so complex and unique, that (they) can be pulled in so many different directions and it can go right as often as it can go wrong, which is why we have to handle it with the greatest care and counsel."
However, he seems keen to reinvent Indonesia as a vibrant country with lots of potential for those who want to partake of its opportunities. If this image were to take on, it will bring foreign investments creating a momentum of its own as has happened with China. He seems to think Indonesia's predominantly Muslim character is not a minus if democracy, modernity and Islam can be made to work harmoniously, and he believes it will.
Indeed, by working out residual issues with East Timor during his recent visit, he is seeking to neutralize the nagging issue of human rights atrocities on the international calendar. But that might not be so easy because by refusing visas for three legal experts from the UN to investigate the issue, Jakarta might only be highlighting its culpability.
At the end of the day, it is the domestic situation that will determine where Indonesia goes. Here the opinion is divided with some regarding Susilo as a well-meaning leader but lacking in political will. It is, however, fair to point out that he has been in office only six months. And in that period he has managed to successfully cut down the fuel subsidy in the face of popular opposition. On the corruption front, the conviction and jailing for 10 years of Aceh's governor for improperly enriching himself is a welcome sign of changing times.
However welcome these developments are, they don't constitute a well laid out blueprint. Not only that the country needs a time frame for planned action on a defined front, this popularly elected President needs to energize and lead the nation into a new future. For this to happen, Susilo will need to take political risks. And at the same time streamline the country's institutions (judiciary, for instance) for them to work independently of multiple pressure points.
The author is a freelance writer and can be reached SushilPSeth@aol.com.