Reinventing Indonesia
Reinventing Indonesia
S.P. Seth, Sydney
Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is his
country's best salesman. During his recent Australia visit he was
exuding charm, making friends, saying the right things,
handsomely sharing Australia's grief on the loss of its
servicemen involved in relief work in Indonesia's earthquake
stricken zone, and being an eternal optimist regarding his
country's future. It was a genuinely moving sight to see
Indonesia's First Lady Kristiani Herawati wiping her tears when
the deceased Australian soldiers were given a final send off.
In his pitch for his country, Susilo told Australians that
Indonesia was now the world's third largest democracy after India
and the United States. Indonesia is also a "wondrous place where
Islam, democracy and modernity thrive together." His country,
said President Susilo, might be "down on luck lately, but remains
high in spirit and strong in will."
As one journalist remarked, "It was hard not to share his
optimism. This is a very impressive, serious man." In contrast,
Howard's speech was "patronizing of Indonesia's democracy and
dwelling mostly on religion and extremism."
Indeed, comparisons have also been drawn between Susilo and
Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi who followed the
President on a state visit. And Susilo scored high marks. It is
understandable, though, because Abdullah didn't shy away from
offending Australian sensibilities whether it was the question of
Canberra's doctrine of pre-emption or its invitation to the
forthcoming East Asian summit.
President Susilo was more circumspect or supportive, for
instance, on inviting Australia to the summit. He did, however,
politely urged Australia to sign ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and
Cooperation (TAC).
As one commentator pointed out, "In contrast to the genuine
goodwill that accompanied the earlier visit by the Indonesian
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, there didn't seem to be much
genuine warmth..." during Abdullah's visit.
Prime Minister John Howard wasn't too happy with Abdullah's
reticence to support Australia's attendance at the forthcoming
East Asian summit. He said, "...We'd be very happy to participate
but we are not knocking on doors begging admission." He added,
"Australia is a strong, respected, involved country in the region
and that will be the case whether or not we're at the summit."
The contrast between Susilo and Abdullah was, on the whole, a
matter of style rather than substance. Because both Indonesia and
Malaysia are keen on Australia to sign the ASEAN non-aggression
pact and are opposed to its pre-emption doctrine.
The problems, though, arise because, among other things, as
Prof. Harold Crouch has pointed out in a newspaper article,
"Australian leaders have often been seen as arrogant, overbearing
and lacking real interest in our neighbors." He gave as example
John Howard's welcoming speech for Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi
when he recounted how Australia had helped Malaya by sending
troops to fight communist insurgency in the 1950s, and has
provided education to 200,000 Malaysian students.
Crouch rightly pointed out that, "Australian troops were sent
to Malaya-as it was then-when it was still part of the British
Empire. The troops responded to a request from London, not Kuala
Lumpur..." Therefore, all this litany of good deeds is pointless
and annoying in today's context.
There is certainly a new mood in the region exemplified by
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. He believes that Indonesia
could become a "bridge to East Asia" for Australia. He has
handsomely acknowledged and expressed gratitude for Australia's
generous tsunami assistance.
But even Susilo, despite his expansive style and ingrained
optimism, is not starry-eyed about it. He said, "We know from
experience our relations are so complex and unique, that (they)
can be pulled in so many different directions and it can go right
as often as it can go wrong, which is why we have to handle it
with the greatest care and counsel."
However, he seems keen to reinvent Indonesia as a vibrant
country with lots of potential for those who want to partake of
its opportunities. If this image were to take on, it will bring
foreign investments creating a momentum of its own as has
happened with China. He seems to think Indonesia's predominantly
Muslim character is not a minus if democracy, modernity and Islam
can be made to work harmoniously, and he believes it will.
Indeed, by working out residual issues with East Timor during
his recent visit, he is seeking to neutralize the nagging issue
of human rights atrocities on the international calendar. But
that might not be so easy because by refusing visas for three
legal experts from the UN to investigate the issue, Jakarta might
only be highlighting its culpability.
At the end of the day, it is the domestic situation that will
determine where Indonesia goes. Here the opinion is divided with
some regarding Susilo as a well-meaning leader but lacking in
political will. It is, however, fair to point out that he has
been in office only six months. And in that period he has managed
to successfully cut down the fuel subsidy in the face of popular
opposition. On the corruption front, the conviction and jailing
for 10 years of Aceh's governor for improperly enriching himself
is a welcome sign of changing times.
However welcome these developments are, they don't constitute
a well laid out blueprint. Not only that the country needs a time
frame for planned action on a defined front, this popularly
elected President needs to energize and lead the nation into a
new future. For this to happen, Susilo will need to take
political risks. And at the same time streamline the country's
institutions (judiciary, for instance) for them to work
independently of multiple pressure points.
The author is a freelance writer and can be reached
SushilPSeth@aol.com.