Regional discontent a test for new Indonesia

Regional discontent a test for new Indonesia

By Dwi Atmanta

JAKARTA (JP): History repeats itself in an Indonesia reveling
in newfound democracy, with an upsurge in demands throughout the
year from provinces long treated as cash cows.

With no significant efforts to properly address the widespread
secessionist movements, the outcry added to the burdens of the
country, which was rocked by sectarian clashes in the Maluku
islands for almost the whole year.

The country has dealt with separatist movements since its
founding in 1945. The almost 20-year rule of founding president
Sukarno survived intermittent spells of unrest from armed
rebellions in Java, Sumatra, Kalimantan, Aceh and Sulawesi.

Unlike his successor Soeharto, who used military might to
crush separatist rebels and political rivals, Sukarno quelled
resistance movements by jailing the rebels but then making peace
with them.

The seeds of dissent and separatism were planted by a
succession of administrations and nurtured during the last three
decades by corruption-ridden authoritarian central governments.
Those seeds have not only taken root, but in several places the
dissent has developed into stubborn shoots which are difficult to
control.

The Acehnese, like their counterparts in other resource-rich
provinces of Irian Jaya, Riau and East Kalimantan, have long
complained about unfair treatment from Jakarta. In particular,
there are concerns of lopsided distribution of national wealth
among the regions.

Irian Jaya is home to the world's largest gold and copper
mining company, PT Freeport Indonesia, and Riau contributes to 80
percent of the country's oil production. Ironically, the two
provinces have battled poverty for most of their existence.

South Sulawesi staged a brief challenge, but it was apparent
that the independence bid demanded by students was stirred by the
People's Consultative Assembly's rejection of then president B.J.
Habibie, who hails from the province.

People of resource-rich provinces complain that Java receives
a disproportionate portion of the revenue. National development
efforts are largely concentrated on Java, while revenue-earning
provinces are perceived as having been left behind.

To make matters worse, the New Order regime rigidly applied a
security approach to deal with regional discontent.

East Timor taught Indonesia a dear lesson that harsh measures,
and the inevitable tendency to lapse into human rights abuses, in
dealing with dissent would generate nothing but resistance.

Aceh, popularly known as Mecca's verandah for its devout
Muslim population, shed much blood and tears during a 10-year
military operation which began in 1988.

Clashes between Indonesian security forces and armed groups of
the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) have become a daily occurrence since
the operation status was lifted in August last year. Including
both civilians and members of the security forces, the death toll
this year topped 300.

Then president Habibie visited Aceh in March to ask the
government's forgiveness and promised to develop infrastructure
in the province. But the conciliatory gesture did little good
mainly because the security-oriented policy remained unchanged.

The shooting of 40 people in a crowd in Krueng Geukueh, some
15 kilometers west of the North Aceh capital of Lhokseumawe early
in May, and the massacre of some 50 followers of religious leader
Tengku Bantaqiah near their Islamic boarding school in Meulaboh
in July further fueled the independence demand in the restive
province.

A rally which involved over one million people in Banda Aceh
on Nov. 8 served as a clear message to the government that it may
have lost the Acehnese people's confidence.

The separatist movement in Irian Jaya, which has been waged by
the Free Papua Organization (OPM), has not received such
overwhelming public support. But like Aceh, human rights
violations added insult to injury in the government's efforts to
appease separatist demands in the easternmost province.

The secessionist mood in the western part of Papua has been
marked by the hoisting of the Morning Star flag. It peaked on
Dec. 1 with a mass procession to commemorate the declaration of
an independent West Papua over 35 years ago.

Many claim the United Nations-sanctioned popular consultation
on the future of west Irian in 1969 was invalid.

In contending with the wave of separatist sentiment, the
governments of Habibie and incumbent Abdurrahman Wahid promoted
the laws on regional autonomy and fiscal balance between local
governments and the central government. The laws should have
taken effect in 2001, but the present government decided to speed
up enactment to avoid growing antigovernment sentiment.

In a hearing with the House of Representatives, State Minister
of Regional Autonomy Ryaas Rasyid promised that laws on regional
autonomy and fiscal balance could be implemented in mid-2000. He
warned, however, that Indonesia could disintegrate if the laws
did not work as planned.

In the protracted dispute pitting Jakarta against disenchanted
provinces, federalism emerged as an alternative settlement for
the issue.

One of proponents of a federal state, Amien Rais, said
federalism would be the best way to appease bids for independence
and prevent the nation from breaking apart. The discourse on
federalism caused a split among the nation's major political
groups, including those which combined forces in the presidential
election.

Abdurrahman, popularly known as Gus Dur, has repeatedly stated
his determination to maintain the unitary state of Indonesia,
which its founders built at a great cost in lives and suffering.
To many Indonesians, in particular the Indonesian Military (TNI),
federalism is still a dirty word.

In a display of diplomatic skills, Abdurrahman decided to
spend most of the first month of his term in office seeking the
world's support for a unitary state of Indonesia, as well as
drumming up backing for Indonesia's economic recovery efforts.
The mission bore fruit, despite criticism that the President was
ignoring the threat of disintegration.

Many believe that the prerequisite for making such a
settlement possible with absolute fairness is to pursue
outstanding cases of human rights abuses and injustices wherever
they occurred in the country.

The ongoing investigation into a number of high-ranking
military officers in connection with their alleged involvement in
atrocities in Aceh and East Timor is still a long way from
appeasing regional discontent. But some would argue that at least
the process to facing up to the past has started. (amd)