Regional discontent a test for new Indonesia

By Dwi Atmanta

JAKARTA (JP): History repeats itself in an Indonesia reveling in newfound democracy, with an upsurge in demands throughout the year from provinces long treated as cash cows.

With no significant efforts to properly address the widespread secessionist movements, the outcry added to the burdens of the country, which was rocked by sectarian clashes in the Maluku islands for almost the whole year.

The country has dealt with separatist movements since its founding in 1945. The almost 20-year rule of founding president Sukarno survived intermittent spells of unrest from armed rebellions in Java, Sumatra, Kalimantan, Aceh and Sulawesi.

Unlike his successor Soeharto, who used military might to crush separatist rebels and political rivals, Sukarno quelled resistance movements by jailing the rebels but then making peace with them.

The seeds of dissent and separatism were planted by a succession of administrations and nurtured during the last three decades by corruption-ridden authoritarian central governments. Those seeds have not only taken root, but in several places the dissent has developed into stubborn shoots which are difficult to control.

The Acehnese, like their counterparts in other resource-rich provinces of Irian Jaya, Riau and East Kalimantan, have long complained about unfair treatment from Jakarta. In particular, there are concerns of lopsided distribution of national wealth among the regions.

Irian Jaya is home to the world's largest gold and copper mining company, PT Freeport Indonesia, and Riau contributes to 80 percent of the country's oil production. Ironically, the two provinces have battled poverty for most of their existence.

South Sulawesi staged a brief challenge, but it was apparent that the independence bid demanded by students was stirred by the People's Consultative Assembly's rejection of then president B.J. Habibie, who hails from the province.

People of resource-rich provinces complain that Java receives a disproportionate portion of the revenue. National development efforts are largely concentrated on Java, while revenue-earning provinces are perceived as having been left behind.

To make matters worse, the New Order regime rigidly applied a security approach to deal with regional discontent.

East Timor taught Indonesia a dear lesson that harsh measures, and the inevitable tendency to lapse into human rights abuses, in dealing with dissent would generate nothing but resistance.

Aceh, popularly known as Mecca's verandah for its devout Muslim population, shed much blood and tears during a 10-year military operation which began in 1988.

Clashes between Indonesian security forces and armed groups of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) have become a daily occurrence since the operation status was lifted in August last year. Including both civilians and members of the security forces, the death toll this year topped 300.

Then president Habibie visited Aceh in March to ask the government's forgiveness and promised to develop infrastructure in the province. But the conciliatory gesture did little good mainly because the security-oriented policy remained unchanged.

The shooting of 40 people in a crowd in Krueng Geukueh, some 15 kilometers west of the North Aceh capital of Lhokseumawe early in May, and the massacre of some 50 followers of religious leader Tengku Bantaqiah near their Islamic boarding school in Meulaboh in July further fueled the independence demand in the restive province.

A rally which involved over one million people in Banda Aceh on Nov. 8 served as a clear message to the government that it may have lost the Acehnese people's confidence.

The separatist movement in Irian Jaya, which has been waged by the Free Papua Organization (OPM), has not received such overwhelming public support. But like Aceh, human rights violations added insult to injury in the government's efforts to appease separatist demands in the easternmost province.

The secessionist mood in the western part of Papua has been marked by the hoisting of the Morning Star flag. It peaked on Dec. 1 with a mass procession to commemorate the declaration of an independent West Papua over 35 years ago.

Many claim the United Nations-sanctioned popular consultation on the future of west Irian in 1969 was invalid.

In contending with the wave of separatist sentiment, the governments of Habibie and incumbent Abdurrahman Wahid promoted the laws on regional autonomy and fiscal balance between local governments and the central government. The laws should have taken effect in 2001, but the present government decided to speed up enactment to avoid growing antigovernment sentiment.

In a hearing with the House of Representatives, State Minister of Regional Autonomy Ryaas Rasyid promised that laws on regional autonomy and fiscal balance could be implemented in mid-2000. He warned, however, that Indonesia could disintegrate if the laws did not work as planned.

In the protracted dispute pitting Jakarta against disenchanted provinces, federalism emerged as an alternative settlement for the issue.

One of proponents of a federal state, Amien Rais, said federalism would be the best way to appease bids for independence and prevent the nation from breaking apart. The discourse on federalism caused a split among the nation's major political groups, including those which combined forces in the presidential election.

Abdurrahman, popularly known as Gus Dur, has repeatedly stated his determination to maintain the unitary state of Indonesia, which its founders built at a great cost in lives and suffering. To many Indonesians, in particular the Indonesian Military (TNI), federalism is still a dirty word.

In a display of diplomatic skills, Abdurrahman decided to spend most of the first month of his term in office seeking the world's support for a unitary state of Indonesia, as well as drumming up backing for Indonesia's economic recovery efforts. The mission bore fruit, despite criticism that the President was ignoring the threat of disintegration.

Many believe that the prerequisite for making such a settlement possible with absolute fairness is to pursue outstanding cases of human rights abuses and injustices wherever they occurred in the country.

The ongoing investigation into a number of high-ranking military officers in connection with their alleged involvement in atrocities in Aceh and East Timor is still a long way from appeasing regional discontent. But some would argue that at least the process to facing up to the past has started. (amd)