'Regional autonomy policy may end in chaos'

Andi Alfian Mallarangeng believes autonomy is not only an important step toward democratization but an answer to regional discontent or even possible disintegration. The scholar was involved in the policy formulation, though now no longer part of the government's team to oversee its implementation. He fears the government's poor handling would mean doom for the campaign. The following is an interview with the chairman of the policy committee and senior adviser for Partnership for Governance Reform in Indonesia of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP).

Question: How ready are our communities in facing the regional autonomy policy?

Answer: There are regions and urban centers that are already prepared for the autonomy policy, but outer regions are relatively ill-prepared. I would say that 30 percent of our regions are not ready, 20 percent are raring to go, and the rest, barely ready.

One thing of concern is our legislative councils at the regency levels. Many of the legislators do not even understand what regional autonomy is about. They think autonomy means a chance for them to raise taxes as high as possible, and impose taxes on everything, be it dead or alive.

Q: The new policy would mean a transfer of considerable powers to regions that you have described as ill-prepared. What do you think will happen? Will there be more corruption?

A: It's possible. Not that it's something new because all these years, when we were still very centralized in nature, corruption, collusion and nepotism flourished in various regions. There are indeed small lords who feel very big, living in the outer regions. I would say that much will depend on whether we can develop a strong civil society.

A weak civil society would mean a proliferation of corruption. You know there are regions with a strong press and strong non- governmental organizations; the corruptive forces will find its match in such regions.

Q: But most NGOs are based in Jakarta.

A: Precisely, and this is why we need a decentralization of NGOs as well. They should not sit and watch things from Jakarta. They should go out and visit the outer regions.

Q: What is your assessment of the central government's readiness to implement the regional autonomy policy?

A: A number of ministries are clearly unprepared to implement the policy. Don't think that by January 1, 2000 everything will be ready. This is an ongoing process.

This is why we ask regions to carry out authorities in areas they are best prepared. They don't have to implement all the authorities transferred by the central government.

The Law No. 25 stipulates that they classify areas of activities in accordance to their needs, potential and capacities. The autonomy policy is highly flexible, so implementation can vary from one region to another.

Take education, for example. Sampang regency in East Java, for instance, is so far only able to run elementary schools, so the responsibility to run junior and senior high schools can be given to the provincial level of administration.

In Jember regency (also in East Java), the local administration is able to run both elementary and junior high schools, so the running of senior high schools should be the responsibility of the East Java provincial administration. The city of Surabaya, on the other hand, is ready to run all levels of education.

It is clear that each region has to run the autonomy policy based on its capacities. Regions need to assess their own capacities.

Q: How would they do that, and how do regions divide fields of authority?

A: Before the regional autonomy ministry merged with the home ministry, and when Pak Ryaas Rasyid (currently minister of administrative reform) was still there, we had established a program to facilitate the regions and provinces in adopting the autonomy policy. Following the 'merger' of the two ministries, the program was halted and has yet to be revived.

We had expected the facilitators and personnel from the regions to negotiate and assess the capabilities of each region, city or province. This would have made it clear which fields of authority should be handled by which regencies, cities, or provinces. This is something that can be negotiated between regencies and provinces.

This program collapsed after the two ministries were merged, and the current minister (of home affairs and regional autonomy, Soerjadi Soedirdja) seems to be unaware of the importance of this particular approach.

Q: When Ryaas Rasyid was minister of regional autonomy, he suggested the establishment of a supervisory body for the policy but President Abdurrahman Wahid rejected this...

A: That's true. We really wished to see the establishment of an independent regional autonomy board to monitor and evaluate the implementation of the policy by regions, and to coordinate programs and policies from various ministries. We had hoped that it would mean smooth implementation of the autonomy.

But Pak Soerjadi and Gus Dur rejected the idea. We don't know why they rejected it. Instead, (the ministry) is said to be seeking to establish a directorate general of autonomy which is, in terms of authority, very limited and whose policies can be bypassed by other directorate generals.

Q: Are you implying that Gus Dur does not place any importance on the autonomy implementation?

A: I don't know his vision. I am questioning his administration's political will if the autonomy program ends up like this. The public has started to question too, whether he has the willingness to implement the regional autonomy policy. He refused to establish one autonomy board, for heaven's sake.

You can see how all other affairs have their own councils or boards. Look at land affairs, for instance, which are currently still organized by the land affairs agency despite authority over land having been transferred to regions. The same goes for family planning which also has its family planning board.

There is a ministry for women's affairs, one ministry for environment, another for research. Even forestry affairs, which had previously been transferred to regions and were managed by only a junior ministry, are now under a full ministry again. This is despite the fact that forestry affairs are something that is smaller than regional autonomy as the autonomy policy covers forestry as well.

Then how is it that the autonomy policy is being handled by only one directorate general? Not to say a ministry, even a mere board is not given. He (Gus Dur) did not want it. He did not think that such an important matter as regional autonomy does not have an organizing board. Even land affairs, which would actually be adequately handled by one directorate general, are being coordinated by a land agency.

This really beats me. How much more important can the autonomy policy get?

Q: From the legal perspective, how ready are we with the autonomy plan?

A: Not ready at all. So many directives, criteria, standards, norms and procedures that are needed to implement the policy have yet to be completed by the central government.

The directives for the law on fiscal balance have been ratified already, but regional administrations have yet to understand how they will be operationalized. Nothing is clear despite the fact that according to the planned schedule, detailed directives should have been completed (last) November.

Q: Would this affect the disbursement of foreign loans and flow of investment to the regions?

A: Of course! (How can investment flow) when there's no regulations? It is the responsibility of the central government to prepare the legal infrastructure, the rules and the standards. It would be very difficult to expect the autonomy policy to run in an ideal manner.

Q: How will it run then?

A: Beats me. Go ask Pak Soerjadi, ask Gus Dur.

Q: I mean, how do you think it will run?

A: It will be chaotic, because there is a People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) decree that says that if the central government is unable to run all those rulings, then the regional administrations are allowed to establish their own rulings.

If this happens, then individual regions can come up with regulations that run counter with rulings prepared by other administrations.

Q: How will the autonomy policy run in strife-torn areas such as Maluku?

A: The conflicts must first be resolved. Otherwise, how can there be an administration? So there is no special formula (for autonomy in strife-torn areas).

Q: But we do have a special formula for Aceh, namely the concession for the province to establish sharia (Islamic law).

A: Aceh did get a special consideration because the region has this special characteristic in terms of religiosity. This does not hold for other regions because there's no such thing as special religious consideration in the autonomy concept. Otherwise, people of other faiths could make the same demand.

It is not even clear how the sharia will be implemented in Aceh, whether it would follow the models of Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Iran, Malaysia or Afghanistan.

Q: What is the remaining role of Jakarta after the autonomy policy?

A: It will certainly be diminutive. We don't need a big central government, anyway. We need a small but efficient administration, with reduced number of ministries, ministers and civil servants.

Q: Will there be many transfers of civil servants to the regions?

A: There is no need for such transfers. Transfers of civil servants would be very difficult. We should opt instead for early retirement and compensation for civil servants. (Deka Kurniawan)