'Regional autonomy policy may end in chaos'

'Regional autonomy policy may end in chaos'

Andi Alfian Mallarangeng believes autonomy is not only an
important step toward democratization but an answer to regional
discontent or even possible disintegration. The scholar was
involved in the policy formulation, though now no longer part of
the government's team to oversee its implementation. He fears the
government's poor handling would mean doom for the campaign. The
following is an interview with the chairman of the policy
committee and senior adviser for Partnership for Governance
Reform in Indonesia of the United Nations Development Program
(UNDP).

Question: How ready are our communities in facing the regional
autonomy policy?

Answer: There are regions and urban centers that are already
prepared for the autonomy policy, but outer regions are
relatively ill-prepared. I would say that 30 percent of our
regions are not ready, 20 percent are raring to go, and the rest,
barely ready.

One thing of concern is our legislative councils at the
regency levels. Many of the legislators do not even understand
what regional autonomy is about. They think autonomy means a
chance for them to raise taxes as high as possible, and impose
taxes on everything, be it dead or alive.

Q: The new policy would mean a transfer of considerable powers to
regions that you have described as ill-prepared. What do you
think will happen? Will there be more corruption?

A: It's possible. Not that it's something new because all these
years, when we were still very centralized in nature, corruption,
collusion and nepotism flourished in various regions. There are
indeed small lords who feel very big, living in the outer
regions. I would say that much will depend on whether we can
develop a strong civil society.

A weak civil society would mean a proliferation of corruption.
You know there are regions with a strong press and strong non-
governmental organizations; the corruptive forces will find its
match in such regions.

Q: But most NGOs are based in Jakarta.

A: Precisely, and this is why we need a decentralization of NGOs
as well. They should not sit and watch things from Jakarta. They
should go out and visit the outer regions.

Q: What is your assessment of the central government's readiness
to implement the regional autonomy policy?

A: A number of ministries are clearly unprepared to implement the
policy. Don't think that by January 1, 2000 everything will be
ready. This is an ongoing process.

This is why we ask regions to carry out authorities in areas
they are best prepared. They don't have to implement all the
authorities transferred by the central government.

The Law No. 25 stipulates that they classify areas of
activities in accordance to their needs, potential and
capacities. The autonomy policy is highly flexible, so
implementation can vary from one region to another.

Take education, for example. Sampang regency in East Java, for
instance, is so far only able to run elementary schools, so the
responsibility to run junior and senior high schools can be given
to the provincial level of administration.

In Jember regency (also in East Java), the local
administration is able to run both elementary and junior high
schools, so the running of senior high schools should be the
responsibility of the East Java provincial administration. The
city of Surabaya, on the other hand, is ready to run all levels
of education.

It is clear that each region has to run the autonomy policy
based on its capacities. Regions need to assess their own
capacities.

Q: How would they do that, and how do regions divide fields of
authority?

A: Before the regional autonomy ministry merged with the home
ministry, and when Pak Ryaas Rasyid (currently minister of
administrative reform) was still there, we had established a
program to facilitate the regions and provinces in adopting the
autonomy policy. Following the 'merger' of the two ministries,
the program was halted and has yet to be revived.

We had expected the facilitators and personnel from the
regions to negotiate and assess the capabilities of each region,
city or province. This would have made it clear which fields of
authority should be handled by which regencies, cities, or
provinces. This is something that can be negotiated between
regencies and provinces.

This program collapsed after the two ministries were merged,
and the current minister (of home affairs and regional autonomy,
Soerjadi Soedirdja) seems to be unaware of the importance of this
particular approach.

Q: When Ryaas Rasyid was minister of regional autonomy, he
suggested the establishment of a supervisory body for the policy
but President Abdurrahman Wahid rejected this...

A: That's true. We really wished to see the establishment of an
independent regional autonomy board to monitor and evaluate the
implementation of the policy by regions, and to coordinate
programs and policies from various ministries. We had hoped that
it would mean smooth implementation of the autonomy.

But Pak Soerjadi and Gus Dur rejected the idea. We don't know
why they rejected it. Instead, (the ministry) is said to be
seeking to establish a directorate general of autonomy which is,
in terms of authority, very limited and whose policies can be
bypassed by other directorate generals.

Q: Are you implying that Gus Dur does not place any importance on
the autonomy implementation?

A: I don't know his vision. I am questioning his administration's
political will if the autonomy program ends up like this. The
public has started to question too, whether he has the
willingness to implement the regional autonomy policy. He refused
to establish one autonomy board, for heaven's sake.

You can see how all other affairs have their own councils or
boards. Look at land affairs, for instance, which are currently
still organized by the land affairs agency despite authority over
land having been transferred to regions. The same goes for family
planning which also has its family planning board.

There is a ministry for women's affairs, one ministry for
environment, another for research. Even forestry affairs, which
had previously been transferred to regions and were managed by
only a junior ministry, are now under a full ministry again. This
is despite the fact that forestry affairs are something that is
smaller than regional autonomy as the autonomy policy covers
forestry as well.

Then how is it that the autonomy policy is being handled by
only one directorate general? Not to say a ministry, even a mere
board is not given. He (Gus Dur) did not want it. He did not
think that such an important matter as regional autonomy does not
have an organizing board. Even land affairs, which would actually
be adequately handled by one directorate general, are being
coordinated by a land agency.

This really beats me. How much more important can the autonomy
policy get?

Q: From the legal perspective, how ready are we with the autonomy
plan?

A: Not ready at all. So many directives, criteria, standards,
norms and procedures that are needed to implement the policy have
yet to be completed by the central government.

The directives for the law on fiscal balance have been
ratified already, but regional administrations have yet to
understand how they will be operationalized. Nothing is clear
despite the fact that according to the planned schedule, detailed
directives should have been completed (last) November.

Q: Would this affect the disbursement of foreign loans and flow
of investment to the regions?

A: Of course! (How can investment flow) when there's no
regulations? It is the responsibility of the central government
to prepare the legal infrastructure, the rules and the standards.
It would be very difficult to expect the autonomy policy to run
in an ideal manner.

Q: How will it run then?

A: Beats me. Go ask Pak Soerjadi, ask Gus Dur.

Q: I mean, how do you think it will run?

A: It will be chaotic, because there is a People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR) decree that says that if the central government is
unable to run all those rulings, then the regional
administrations are allowed to establish their own rulings.

If this happens, then individual regions can come up with
regulations that run counter with rulings prepared by other
administrations.

Q: How will the autonomy policy run in strife-torn areas such as
Maluku?

A: The conflicts must first be resolved. Otherwise, how can there
be an administration? So there is no special formula (for
autonomy in strife-torn areas).

Q: But we do have a special formula for Aceh, namely the
concession for the province to establish sharia (Islamic law).

A: Aceh did get a special consideration because the region has
this special characteristic in terms of religiosity. This does
not hold for other regions because there's no such thing as
special religious consideration in the autonomy concept.
Otherwise, people of other faiths could make the same demand.

It is not even clear how the sharia will be implemented in
Aceh, whether it would follow the models of Saudi Arabia,
Pakistan, Iran, Malaysia or Afghanistan.

Q: What is the remaining role of Jakarta after the autonomy
policy?

A: It will certainly be diminutive. We don't need a big central
government, anyway. We need a small but efficient administration,
with reduced number of ministries, ministers and civil servants.

Q: Will there be many transfers of civil servants to the regions?

A: There is no need for such transfers. Transfers of civil
servants would be very difficult. We should opt instead for early
retirement and compensation for civil servants. (Deka Kurniawan)