Reforming the military
President Abdurrahman Wahid must find himself in a difficult situation as he embarks on the second year of his presidency this month. The task of bringing about the democratic reforms entrusted to him by the People's Consultative Assembly at the time of his election in October last year, are far from accomplished, and nowhere can this be more true than in the field of military reform.
There is of course no doubt in the minds of politicians and experts alike that military reform is one of the urgent necessities if reform in other fields is to be successful. In a country where the military has for almost half a century played a pivotal role in politics, any thought of establishing an effective civil society might as well be abandoned unless the military can be led to discard its by now ensconced role in politics and accept a new one as a professional guardian of the country's sovereignty.
On the need for such a transformation, everyone, with exceptions in certain quarters of the military, is in principle agreed. Events of the past week, though, have clearly brought the President -- and the public -- to the realization that bringing about such a change is a good deal easier said than done.
Reports circulating earlier this month had it that the President was considering the replacement of Indonesian Military (TNI) Commander Adm. Widodo and a number of top-ranking officers within the Army hierarchy. The public's attention, though, naturally went to the Army, which is traditionally the most influential branch of the TNI. Within the military, the President's moves were being awaited with no less concern.
In all this, special attention somehow went to Lt. Gen. Agus Wirahadikusumah, a former commander of the Army's Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad). Agus is widely regarded to be a reformist and who the President in the early months of his presidency had ordered to be given a post in Jakarta "because his vision makes him better suited for a post in Jakarta than in some far out region." People speculated on what position he would be given in the new setup and who would be given the post of chief of staff of the Army.
To the conservative camp within the Army, however, Gen. Agus was unacceptable in any top position. For one thing, he had publicly exposed some alleged financial irregularities within Kostrad. For another he was regarded too outspoken about matters concerning the military and its position in Indonesian politics. Tension rose to such a point that rumors of an impending military coup d'etat once again began circulating in Jakarta.
As it turned out, the President wisely chose to take a conciliatory position. Aside from keeping Adm. Widodo in his position, he appointed Lt. Gen. Endriartono Sutarto as the Army's chief of staff, replacing Gen. Tyasno Sudarto. Known as a professional soldier with no political interests, the appointment of Gen. Endriartono is obviously a compromise that could satisfy both conservatives and reformists within the military. As for Lt. Gen. Agus Wirahadikusumah, the future looks uncertain although his career may by no means be finished.
The choice of Endriartono, however, together with the flurry that accompanied the selection process, is a clear indication that reform of the military can only be accomplished through a gradual process. Obviously, it is not easy for the military to give up the privileged position it has enjoyed for so long. Happen, however, it will because democratic reform is a necessity that is dictated by the changing times. For the present, the important thing is to prevent any rifts and conflicts within the military, which would only endanger and destabilize the nation as a whole.