Reform movement, racial violence in Surakarta

By Risang Pamungkastiran and Tedy Novan

SURAKARTA, Central Java (JP): In just three days, Surakarta was destroyed by fire. Starting as a peaceful demonstration May 14 at Surakarta Muhammadiyah University demanding reform, riots followed, with looting, plundering and fires spreading throughout the town.

More than a month has passed since the rioting but the pain remains and many traumatized victims, mostly Chinese-Indonesians, have yet to resume their normal activities.

This tragedy is added to a long sequence of anti-Chinese riots in a town well-known for its high culture. In fact, racial disturbances in Surakarta, popularly known as Solo, have a long history.

According to Javanese cultural observer Suryanto Sastroatmojo, conflict with Chinese-Indonesians originated in the 18th century. There was a rebellion against Keraton Kartosuro, supported by Chinese merchants, which later caused the kingdom to move to nearby Surakarta.

There were at least two other major racial conflicts in Surakarta. In 1965, there were conflicts between Baperki (a political party dominated by Chinese-Indonesians) and other political factions. Another incident happened on Nov. 19, 1983, when many buildings and vehicles belonging to ethnic Chinese were damaged.

Cultural roots might be one of the reasons that makes people in Surakarta easily provoked to start a riot against Chinese- Indonesian, said M.T. Arifin, an employee of the Ministry of Justice and also a cultural observer. Another thing is the domination Chinese-Indonesians seem to have in the economic sector.

Some Chinese-Indonesians do work hard to develop their businesses but there are others who enjoy government facilities, growing big through collusions with officials.

The robust business activities of Chinese-Indonesians and the discriminative attitude of the government bureaucracy in Surakarta have created a tremendous gap between the indigenous Indonesians and the Chinese-Indonesians, Arifin said. He added that under the leadership of Major R. Hartomo (from 1985 to 1994), more problems arose, such as land disputes, environmental contamination and the monopoly of many strategic businesses by Chinese-Indonesians.

These facts are also acknowledged by H. Muh. Batmanto, 67, a Chinese Moslem figure in Surakarta. He said some rich Chinese- Indonesians tend to live exclusively, which made it difficult for the indigenous people to accept them.

Not all Chinese-Indonesians are like that and not all indigenous people have a dislike toward them. But Batmanto admitted that there was suspicion between the two groups. "Therefore, when a mass of people started to form at the time the students rallied, an anti-Chinese slogan ignited others to follow," said Batmanto, who has lived in Surakarta since 1956.

"The latest conflict is a mix of economical imbalance, an angry mob, and an easily manipulated public utilized by factions who rode over the wave of the student movement," added Arifin.

As a result, despite attempts by political parties and local Moslem youth organizations and students, the riots could not be halted. After restlessness gripped Jakarta following the shooting of four Trisakti University students on May 12, thousands of stickers and posters asserting "Peaceful reform without violence" were distributed throughout Surakarta. This campaign was done together with flags at half mast and condolence statements reflecting the solidarity over the death of reform heroes. But the reality showed otherwise.

On May 14, thousands of people marched through the streets of Surakarta, as well as Kartosuro. They looted shops and other buildings, including banks and even houses, and damaged or burned them down.

The riots, which lasted for three days, inflicted economic losses amounting to trillions of rupiah. In Surakarta, at least 410 motorcycles, 124 cars, 25 department stores and 38 shopping centers were set on fire. Twelve people were found dead in the Ratu Luwes department store, which was also burned down.

It all started from the peaceful student demonstration at the university, supported by the community. They were later lured from the campus by groups who then lead the anarchy and destruction.

Incited by these groups, the rioters first set ablaze the Timor car dealership in Kleco, then spread to shopping and entertainment centers, including Benteng Plaza, Singosaren Plaza, Sami Luwes, Ratu Luwes and Atrium 21 Cineplex at Solo Baru, where the house belonging to House Speaker Harmoko is located. Harmoko's house was burned down. A number of factories were also gutted by fires.

Batmanto and Arifin viewed the riots as incidents organized by groups with vested interest. They were taking advantage and manipulating the students' reform movement.

"From the pattern of the rioting, I detected that organized groups who received military-style training were behind the riots," Batmanto said, while Arifin hinted that a certain youth organization known to organize hoodlums may be involved.

Surakarta's military district commander Col. Inf. Sriyanto admitted that, congruent with field data, the uprising in Surakarta seems to have been guided and led by an organized group. After inciting the public, these people moved to another location. Surprisingly enough, even though done by a mass, the looting and arson targets appeared to be selective. "This only supports our conclusion," he said.

What amazed many eyewitnesses was that the military forces seemed indifferent when the orgy of plundering and arson occurred.

"When one group tried to break into a shopping mall, the military forces at the location seem to give them the chance. They should have been the ones to stopped these people," said Muh. Yusuf, an activist of Surakarta Muhammadiyah University who witnessed the spreading conflagration in his hometown. According to him, looters even carried gasoline containers and the necessary equipment needed to set the buildings alight.

According to Arifin, to contain this ongoing problem, which may even contribute to the disintegration of society, there is a desperate need for a figure who has the cultural authority to act as a bridge, to integrate assimilation. Unfortunately, even though Surakarta has the Keraton Surakarta, the kingdom no longer has cultural territories which may give the needed authority to the king to be respected by his people -- like the Sultan of Yogyakarta.

With this reality, the potential for racial uprising shall become an important agenda in the unfinished reform movement. No one wants this to happen again.