Reform movement, racial violence in Surakarta

Reform movement, racial violence in Surakarta

By Risang Pamungkastiran and Tedy Novan

SURAKARTA, Central Java (JP): In just three days, Surakarta
was destroyed by fire. Starting as a peaceful demonstration May
14 at Surakarta Muhammadiyah University demanding reform, riots
followed, with looting, plundering and fires spreading throughout
the town.

More than a month has passed since the rioting but the pain
remains and many traumatized victims, mostly Chinese-Indonesians,
have yet to resume their normal activities.

This tragedy is added to a long sequence of anti-Chinese riots
in a town well-known for its high culture. In fact, racial
disturbances in Surakarta, popularly known as Solo, have a long
history.

According to Javanese cultural observer Suryanto Sastroatmojo,
conflict with Chinese-Indonesians originated in the 18th century.
There was a rebellion against Keraton Kartosuro, supported by
Chinese merchants, which later caused the kingdom to move to
nearby Surakarta.

There were at least two other major racial conflicts in
Surakarta. In 1965, there were conflicts between Baperki (a
political party dominated by Chinese-Indonesians) and other
political factions. Another incident happened on Nov. 19, 1983,
when many buildings and vehicles belonging to ethnic Chinese were
damaged.

Cultural roots might be one of the reasons that makes people
in Surakarta easily provoked to start a riot against Chinese-
Indonesian, said M.T. Arifin, an employee of the Ministry of
Justice and also a cultural observer. Another thing is the
domination Chinese-Indonesians seem to have in the economic
sector.

Some Chinese-Indonesians do work hard to develop their
businesses but there are others who enjoy government facilities,
growing big through collusions with officials.

The robust business activities of Chinese-Indonesians and the
discriminative attitude of the government bureaucracy in
Surakarta have created a tremendous gap between the indigenous
Indonesians and the Chinese-Indonesians, Arifin said. He added
that under the leadership of Major R. Hartomo (from 1985 to
1994), more problems arose, such as land disputes, environmental
contamination and the monopoly of many strategic businesses by
Chinese-Indonesians.

These facts are also acknowledged by H. Muh. Batmanto, 67, a
Chinese Moslem figure in Surakarta. He said some rich Chinese-
Indonesians tend to live exclusively, which made it difficult for
the indigenous people to accept them.

Not all Chinese-Indonesians are like that and not all
indigenous people have a dislike toward them. But Batmanto
admitted that there was suspicion between the two groups.
"Therefore, when a mass of people started to form at the time the
students rallied, an anti-Chinese slogan ignited others to
follow," said Batmanto, who has lived in Surakarta since 1956.

"The latest conflict is a mix of economical imbalance, an
angry mob, and an easily manipulated public utilized by factions
who rode over the wave of the student movement," added Arifin.

As a result, despite attempts by political parties and local
Moslem youth organizations and students, the riots could not be
halted. After restlessness gripped Jakarta following the shooting
of four Trisakti University students on May 12, thousands of
stickers and posters asserting "Peaceful reform without violence"
were distributed throughout Surakarta. This campaign was done
together with flags at half mast and condolence statements
reflecting the solidarity over the death of reform heroes. But
the reality showed otherwise.

On May 14, thousands of people marched through the streets of
Surakarta, as well as Kartosuro. They looted shops and other
buildings, including banks and even houses, and damaged or burned
them down.

The riots, which lasted for three days, inflicted economic
losses amounting to trillions of rupiah. In Surakarta, at least
410 motorcycles, 124 cars, 25 department stores and 38 shopping
centers were set on fire. Twelve people were found dead in the
Ratu Luwes department store, which was also burned down.

It all started from the peaceful student demonstration at the
university, supported by the community. They were later lured
from the campus by groups who then lead the anarchy and
destruction.

Incited by these groups, the rioters first set ablaze the
Timor car dealership in Kleco, then spread to shopping and
entertainment centers, including Benteng Plaza, Singosaren Plaza,
Sami Luwes, Ratu Luwes and Atrium 21 Cineplex at Solo Baru, where
the house belonging to House Speaker Harmoko is located.
Harmoko's house was burned down. A number of factories were also
gutted by fires.

Batmanto and Arifin viewed the riots as incidents organized by
groups with vested interest. They were taking advantage and
manipulating the students' reform movement.

"From the pattern of the rioting, I detected that organized
groups who received military-style training were behind the
riots," Batmanto said, while Arifin hinted that a certain youth
organization known to organize hoodlums may be involved.

Surakarta's military district commander Col. Inf. Sriyanto
admitted that, congruent with field data, the uprising in
Surakarta seems to have been guided and led by an organized
group. After inciting the public, these people moved to another
location. Surprisingly enough, even though done by a mass, the
looting and arson targets appeared to be selective. "This only
supports our conclusion," he said.

What amazed many eyewitnesses was that the military forces
seemed indifferent when the orgy of plundering and arson
occurred.

"When one group tried to break into a shopping mall, the
military forces at the location seem to give them the chance.
They should have been the ones to stopped these people," said
Muh. Yusuf, an activist of Surakarta Muhammadiyah University who
witnessed the spreading conflagration in his hometown. According
to him, looters even carried gasoline containers and the
necessary equipment needed to set the buildings alight.

According to Arifin, to contain this ongoing problem, which
may even contribute to the disintegration of society, there is a
desperate need for a figure who has the cultural authority to act
as a bridge, to integrate assimilation. Unfortunately, even
though Surakarta has the Keraton Surakarta, the kingdom no longer
has cultural territories which may give the needed authority to
the king to be respected by his people -- like the Sultan of
Yogyakarta.

With this reality, the potential for racial uprising shall
become an important agenda in the unfinished reform movement. No
one wants this to happen again.