Reconciliation or reform?

Reconciliation or reform?

Having acceptably settled the question of what to do with the
biggest vote-winner in the general election -- the Indonesian
Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) and its hugely
popular chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri -- Indonesia now faces
the dilemma of balancing the need to push on with reforms and
achieving national reconciliation.

Indonesia in its present state of chaos clearly needs to
address both issues. To complicate matters, the two matters are
interrelated: one cannot be achieved without the other. Our
economy is at its lowest point in more than three decades and a
specter of discord that is social, political and sectarian in
nature, is threatening the nation's cohesion. In order to revive
the country's devastated economy, stability must be restored.
Contingent on this recovery, however, will be the establishment
of a general mood of social and political accord among the
diverse sections of society.

By accommodating the interests of PDI Perjuangan and naming
Megawati as Vice President, the People's Consultative Assembly
(MPR) may have prevented the country from being wracked by
widespread violence. But the horse-trading, the bargaining and
maneuverings that finally resulted in the allotment of the most
strategic political positions -- as represented by the current
political constellation -- have in the process created political
obligations and commitments that cannot be ignored if stability
through accord is to be preserved.

Many observers and analysts fear that these obligations will
make it difficult for President Abdurrahman Wahid to meet some of
the most fundamental objectives of the reform movement, which
student and youth activists set into motion shortly before the
fall of former president Soeharto. Obviously, the first and most
fundamental of those objectives is to ensure that the movement
stays on track.

No one doubts the sincerity of President Abdurrahman's
commitment to reform and democratization -- he was after all a
leading proponent of these standards even at a time when former
authoritarian president Soeharto was held a firm grip on power.
Nonetheless, analysts have aired concerns that the compromises
Abdurrahman could be compelled to make to honor deals and
commitments made in the run-up to his election to ensure support
for his candidacy could prevent him from acting as his personal
conscience and convictions dictate.

Abdurrahman's consultations held last week with a number of
former Soeharto aides, for example, has sent negative signals to
political observers and market players alike. Another fear is
that those political deals could force the President to
compromise on his determination to put an end once and for all to
corruption, collusion and nepotism. Such developments would
certainly deter investors from returning to Indonesia at a time
when funds are crucially needed.

This is why the market and the public are currently anxiously
awaiting the composition of President Abdurrahman's new Cabinet
and his team of advisers. Since first impressions are often the
strongest, these first few weeks and months will provide an
opportunity which is too good to be missed for the new government
to rebuild the confidence that has been shattered under past
regimes.

With so many different party representatives expected to play
a role in the next government, another concern, at least as far
as the public is concerned, is who will play the vital opposition
role.

Given the possibility of a weak legislature, it could be that
in the months ahead the media and other independent organizations
will be called on to assume a check-and-balance role, without
which a relapse into authoritarianism is always possible.